A STATEMENT OF THE NCMLU (BRITAIN).

In common with all progressive people, the National Committee for the Marxist-Leninist Party fully supported the right of the predominantly ethnic Albanian population of Kosova to self-determination and - since even the limited autonomy won by the Kosovars under Tito had been forcibly withdrawn by the Serbian dictatorship of Slobodan Miloshevich - fully supported the national liberation struggle being waged by the Kosova Liberation Army.

At the same time it opposed any military intervention in Kosova by imperialist powers, saying "the strategy of trying to achieve national liberation through military intervention from outside, as a gift from 'philanthropic' powers, is a dangerous illusion. The imperialist powers are interested in Kosova only as they are interested in Britain - as a source of profit". ('The Struggle in Kosova', in: International Marxist-Leninist Review, volume 1, no. 1. Spring 1999, page 81).

In order to maintain a consensus, at the recent peace talks in France representatives of the Kosova Liberation Army made the concession of agreeing to postpone their dreams for independence from Serbia in return for a common demand with the imperailist powers to the restoration of autonomy of Kosova within Serbia.

Western politicans " saw Miloshevich as a man they could do business with" (Independent on Sunday, 28 March 1999, p 15) and, threatening the 'big stick' of air attacks on Serbia, "... hoped that Miloshevich could be persuaded to negotiate" (Independent on Sunday, 28 March 1999, p 15).

But the threat of bombs from the air was not sufficient to induce the Serbian dictatorship to agree to the restoration of autonomy to Kosova. The Paris peace talks broke up without agreement, leaving the Western powers with the alternatives of either losing credibility or sending in the bombers. They chose the latter course and attempted "to bomb Miloshevich into submission" (Independent on Sunday, 28 March 1999, p15).

On 24 March 1999, British and US planes began bombing Serbia from the air, and this continues at the time of writing. As Malcolm Harper, director of the United Nations Association in Britain, says bluntly: "The NATO action is illegal; it has not been authorised by the UN Security Council and therefore it should stop", (Malcolm Harper, in 'The Guardian', 31 March 1999, p 2), while the Independent on Sunday declares in an editorial: 'This is not a just war. The NATO action is wrong in law… In shedding blood in the present conflict it is acting ultra vires.... The United Nations… is the only… global guardian backed by international law" (Editorial, Independent on Sunday, 28 March 1999, p 26). The Serbian fascists responded to NATO's bombs by a campaign of terror and genocide against the entire population of Kosova - executing men of military age and forcibly expelling the elderly, women and children from the country. The stories are tragically similar: "There are tales of frightened people waiting for Serb police and killers in black masks to knock on their doors, of people crossing mountain roads to unfriendly borders, of men separated from their families, of Kosova's Albanians being forced from homes, panicked and terrorised into flight." (The Guardian, 29 March, 1999, p1). By 29 March, "NATO reported that a million refugees have crossed the border into neighbouring Macedonia and Albania, a quarter of the Kosovar population", (The Guardian, 29 March 1999, p 1). The Independent on Sunday notes in an editorial: "Bomb bursts provide the perfect cover for death squads. They inspire ethnic cleansers with a sense of urgency. Moderate voices in the region are inaudible over the roar of the jets" (Editorial, Independent n Sunday, 18 March 1999, p26). Thus, " far from alleviating the plight of the inhabitants, Serb reprisals for the bombing have made it far worse", (Evening Standard, 29 March 1999, p 5).

But the very idea that a war can be won by bombs from the air is fatally flawed: "If the lessons of the Korean, Malayan, Vietnam, Falklands, Gulf and Chechen conflicts teach us anything, it is that victory only comes when your troops physically occupy the streets of the region you are fighting over" (Evening Standard, 29 March 1999, p 5). Not only do military experts agree: " that any ground action would require as many as 200 000 soldiers ….a force that would not be ready for months" (The Guardian, 31 March 1999, p 4), but " NATO insists that it will not commit ground troops" (Independent on Sunday, 28 March 1999, p 16), with "Washington even more fearful that Whitehall" (Evening Standard, 29 March 1999, p 7).

Of course, the national liberation of Kosova is a matter for the people of Kosova, and the removal from power of Miloshevich's racist thugs a matter for the people of Serbia. But does this mean that nothing in keeping with international law can be done from outside to help the plight of the people of Kosova? Not at all. As Zbigniew Brezinski, former National Security adviser to US President Jimmy Carter, proposes to the 'Guardian', there could be "a deliberate decision by the West to arm the KLA. Such a decision is both politically and morally justifiable", (Zbigniew Brezinski: 'Arm the KLA', in: The Guardian, 31 March 1999, p 15). And even if this proposal is too radical for Clinton and his British stooge Blair, there are other legitimate alternatives - such as that suggested by Malcolm Harper, director of the United Nations Association in Britain; "We should seek its (Russia's - ed.) agreement to the sending of some form of UN protection force on the ground into Kosova, under chapter VII of the charter which allows the UN to authorise military action. This force would not go to make war, but would be there to protect all people in Kosova", (Malcolm Harper, The Guardian, 31 March 1999, p2).