STALIN AGAINST THE SOVIET BUREAUCRACY
THE INTERNATIONAL MARXIST LENINIST REVIEW interviews T. Clark on the role of Stalin in the Soviet anti-bureaucracy struggle, and examines the meaning of the concept 'Stalin against the Soviet bureaucracy’. In this interview, Clark exposes the trotskyist theory of a ‘counterrevolutionary soviet/stalinist bureaucracy’ as an ‘abstraction’ which ignores the contradictions and heterogeneity within the former soviet bureaucracy and which is typical of trotsky’s type of reasoning. This type of reasoning was criticised by V. I. Lenin in the trade union debates of the early 1920s. Clark contrasts the trotskyist theory of a ‘counterrevolutionary soviet bureaucracy’ with the marxist-leninist theory of ‘counterrevolutionary elements within the soviet bureaucracy’, explaining that only on this concrete basis could the struggle against soviet bureaucracy be understood and taken forward. |
IMLR: How did
Marxist-Leninists arrive at the concept of ‘Stalin Against the Soviet
Bureaucracy’, and what is the actual meaning of this concept?
TC:
Marxist-Leninists arrived at the concept of ‘Stalin against the Soviet
bureaucracy’ from studying many works on the Russian revolution. You are right
to ask what is the actual meaning of this concept because it is not as self-explanatory
as it appears. One can speak of Stalin being against Soviet bureaucracy, or
Stalin being against ‘the’ Soviet bureaucracy, this would be to speak of two
different although related concepts. To speak of Stalin being against Soviet
bureaucracy means to be against such things as red tape, bureaucratic
inefficiency and, indeed, everything, which can go wrong with a bureaucracy. On
the other hand, to speak of Stalin being against ‘the’ Soviet bureaucracy is to
regard the bureaucracy as a collective entity. To be against the Soviet
bureaucracy in this sense is to view it, or rather its higher stratum, as a
caste, or potential caste. However, the concept of ‘Stalin against the Soviet
bureaucracy’ actually entails the struggle against the shortcomings of
bureaucracy on the one hand, and on the other, the fight against a certain
stratum of bureaucrats. The former is what can be referred to as the technical
opposition to the negative sides of bureaucracy, which is common in all
societies, while the latter represents a ‘political’ opposition to a section of
the bureaucracy.
IMLR: So you are saying that Stalin’s opposition to the
Soviet bureaucracy had both a functional aspect to it, as well as a political
side?
TC: This is true.
We should not confuse Stalin’s opposition to the negative aspects of Soviet
bureaucracy with the political struggle against a certain stratum of the
bureaucracy. Stalin’s political struggle against the bureaucracy refers
primarily to the struggle against the potential consolidation of a caste in the
process of formation.
IMLR: Were you in
any way influenced by Lars Lih’s concept of Stalin’s anti-bureaucrat scenario, and did this lead to the related concept
of ‘Stalin against the Soviet bureaucracy’? There seems to be an affinity between
these two concepts.
TC: No. I was not
actually influenced by Lih’s perspective concerning Stalin’s anti-bureaucrat
scenario. I came across Lih’s views in the introduction to ‘Stalin’s Letters to
Molotov’. However, I was surprised by the similarities between Lih’s views and
the one that Marxist-Leninists had already arrived at including myself mostly
it seems independently of each other. I decided to give this
conceptualisation a name and I choose ‘Stalin
Against the Soviet Bureaucracy’ after about five years of reflection and research on the matter. It
was while I was developing the notion of ‘Stalin Against the Soviet
Bureaucracy’ that I discovered the amazing confirmation of this notion in Lih’s
arguments.
IMLR: What similarities did you notice between the concept you have
presented and Lih’s?
TC: The essence of
Lih’s view is that in Stalin’s anti-bureaucrat scenario, ‘class-motivated hostility is the main reason
bureaucrats do not follow directives’. (Lars Lih: Stalin’s Letters to Molotov; p.15)
Thus for Stalin there was a concealed class struggle going
on at the level of the state bureaucracy where the Marxist-Leninists were in
combat with the masked enemies of the party and of socialism. Some of these
masked enemies were in the party itself. This, in essence, is what the concept
of ‘Stalin Against the Soviet Bureaucracy’ refers to. This is basically the
same as Lih’s ‘Stalin’s anti-bureaucrat scenario’, although the concept I put
forward contains a more multi-dimensional content. Lih shows that this view of
the bureaucracy, which was held by Stalin, was derived from Lenin,
‘Since
Lenin also viewed public administration as a dramatic struggle against the
class enemy’. (Op.
cit. p.16)
In other words, for both Lenin and Stalin there was a class
struggle going on at the level of public administration. Some members of the
Soviet public administration bureaucracy were, in fact, hidden enemies of the
revolution and socialism, and the Bolsheviks knew this all along, indeed from
the very first days of coming to power.
IMLR: When you say the Bolsheviks knew this all along, what actions did
they take?
TC: Well, we know
that from the earliest days of the ‘October’ revolution the Communists found
themselves in charge of the old Tsarist government bureaucracy. Certain
elements within this bureaucracy tried to subvert the directives and policies
of the new government. Therefore, the contradictions between sections of the
old bureaucracy and the new communist leaders was bound to lead to trouble,
resulting in dismissals and purges and so on. What is more, the contradiction
between sections of the bureaucracy and the leaders of the revolution never
completely went away. Sometimes this struggle was open; at other times it was
hidden, but it was always there to one degree or another.
IMLR: Was there a stage where this struggle ever reached a climax, or
turning point?
TC: We see a climax
or a turning point in the 1930s. This
was of course facilitated by the introduction of the 1936 Soviet Constitution.
The Marxist-Leninists around Stalin upheld the principle of the secret ballot,
which was in favour of the masses. It was with this Constitution in the
background that the new wave of purges unfolded and was directed against
corrupt elements in the bureaucracy and party.
IMLR: So you are
saying that the ‘Stalin Constitution’ of 1936 gave the masses and the radicals
the green light to take on sections of the Soviet bureaucracy?
TC: The 1936
Constitution certainly helped. The provision of the secret ballot made the
masses and the pro-Stalin radicals more confident in taking on those members of
the government administration and other institutions that were regarded as
rotten enemies of the people and of the revolution, without fear of reprisals
from the bureaucrats.
IMLR: The notion
that the purges in the 1930s were aimed at the enemies of the revolution is the
exact reverse of the Trotskyist view. How do you account for this; what is the
explanation, in your opinion, of this contradiction?
TC: You only need to
look statistically at the type of elements who formed the majority of those
purged in the higher and middle level administration to determine who the
purges were aimed at, and we need only add to this the Bolshevik or Leninist
view of public administration
‘…as
a dramatic struggle against a class enemy’. (Lars Lih: Stalin’s Letters to Molotov; p.16)
to see concretely that the 1930s purges were directed in
their essence at the enemies of the revolution.
The view, promoted by Trotsky, that the purges of the 1930s
were Thermidorian in character was the exact opposite to the reality. The facts
show that the purges were against the Thermidorian elements in the Soviet
bureaucracy. If some Trotskyist, leftist elements were removed by these purges,
it was because the hidden bloc of ‘Rights and Trotskyites’ objectively served
the Thermidorian elements.
IMLR: So how did
Trotsky arrive at his conclusion, which found expression in his Major
theoretical work, ‘Revolution Betrayed’,
and what do you consider to be the aim of this work?
TC: In the 1930s,
following the gains in the advance towards socialism, which Trotsky himself
openly recognised, Trotsky was faced with the real possibility of isolation and
losing the support of his sympathisers outside of the Soviet Union. In the
Soviet Union itself, many of his supporters had already deserted him. This was
also a time when western progressive opinion was running in favour of the
Soviet Union and its leadership, especially after the counterrevolution coming
to power in Germany, followed by the outbreak of the Spanish civil war between
left and right in 1936. Simply put, Trotsky wrote ‘Revolution Betrayed’ in a desperate effort to prevent himself
losing further support at the level of progressive opinion internationally.
This was in essence a damage limitation exercise on the part of Trotsky.
IMLR: What do you consider to be the central theme of this work, i.e.
‘Revolution Betrayed’?
TC: I think the
central theme of this work is connected to its basic motive, this being to
undermine support for the Soviet Union and Stalin at an intellectual level.
IMLR: How does Trotsky go about doing this?
TC: Due to the
successes of the Soviet Union in this period, which were not without
sacrifices, Trotsky was afraid of losing support, so he ended up distorting Marxism and presented the result
as a scientific, i.e., Marxist critique of the Soviet Union. For instance, we
all know that in this period, the Soviet Union was a society undergoing
socialist transformation, but Trotsky’s critique is based on the view that the
Soviet Union was not socialist. Trotsky’s position was helped by the claims of
the leadership that the society was socialist. The correct view, in my opinion,
was that the Soviet Union was in a process of socialist transformation.
IMLR: So you are
saying Trotsky’s work was made easier when the leadership made premature claims
that the Soviet Union had reached socialism?
TC: When such
claims were made it was not so much that they were wrong as such, but rather
that they were one-sided. I think the term one-sided is a far more correct
concept than ‘premature’. Thus, such a claim was one-sided in the sense that
the process of socialist transformation of society proceeds at different tempos
in the different spheres of society. A society undergoing socialist
transformation is a contradictory society, combining features of the past and
features of the future. The Soviet Union was such a society. Marx says the new
society is stamped with the birthmarks of the old society. Trotsky’s criticism
of the Soviet Union in ‘Revolution Betrayed’ is primarily a criticism of these
birthmarks and there is no point in denying that these birthmarks existed. The
point is that Trotsky presented this criticism as justification for his campaign
to remove the leadership, or more pertinently, to hold on to his dwindling
support. Another point about the Soviet
Union in the 1930s is that it was a society preparing for war not peace. Thus
if there is any meaning to the term ‘Stalinism’ I would suggest it be
considered in connection with the idea of the country preparing for war in a
specific concrete historical situation. This was, in many respects, a new
continuation of war communism after the abandonment of NEP. In this preparation
for war, Trotsky predicts in ‘Revolution Betrayed’ that
‘If
the war should remain only a war, the defeat of the Soviet Union would be
inevitable’. (L.
Trotsky: Revolution Betrayed; New Park; p.227)
IMLR: But surely, Trotsky
recognised the Soviet Union as a transitional society?
TC: Yes, Trotsky
recognised that the Soviet Union was a transitional society, but it seems
mostly in an abstract sense, because in the ‘Revolution Betrayed’ we find him,
believe it or not, denouncing Marx’s view on the nature of economic laws under
socialism which is the first stage of communist society. This stage is
characterised by bourgeois right, which means unequal reward for unequal work,
which continues in the distribution and exchange under socialism. This is the
principle of from each according to his
abilities, to each according to his work. Trotsky confuses this stage with
the higher stage of communism where the principle becomes, ‘from each according
to his abilities to each according to his needs’. This is what Trotsky has to say about the former principle for
socialism put forward by Marx in the ‘Critique of the Gotha Programme’
‘This
inwardly contradictory, not to say nonsensical, formula has entered, believe it
or not, from speeches and journalistic articles into the carefully deliberated
text of the fundamental state law. It bears witness not only to a complete
lowering of the theoretical level in the lawgivers, but also to the lie with
which, as a mirror of the ruling stratum, the new constitution is imbued’. (L. Trotsky: Revolution Betrayed;
New Park; p.258)
If Trotsky confuses the economic distinction between the
two stages of communist society, its lower and higher stage it can only be
concluded that his recognition of the transition period was, from the economic
standpoint, of an abstract character. This confusion introduced by Trotsky has
pervaded the thinking of other ultra-left writers. A good example of this is
the Japanese ultra-left writer, Kan’ichi Kuroda who is critical, but
sympathetic to Trotsky, and who in his work ‘Stalinist Socialism: A Japanese
Marxist’s Perspective’ claims that the dictatorship of the proletariat does not
exist under socialism and confuses the whole question of the transition period,
in truly Kautskyan fashion. This work, translated by the ‘Anti-Stalinism Study
Group’, amongst other things, claims that in a socialist society ‘…even
the workers’ state is withered away’. (Kan’ichi Kuroda: Stalinist Socialism: A Japanese
Marxist’s Perspective; p.61)
IMLR: But
Trotskyists nevertheless present ‘Revolution Betrayed’ as a theoretical
masterpiece of Marxism when in fact it clearly refutes Marx himself. How do you
generally regard this work?
TC: This work may
be a masterpiece of Trotskyism, but it is no masterpiece of Marxism, as the
above passage quoted from Trotsky clearly shows. This confusion about the basic
principle of socialism as distinct from the higher phase of communist society
is so amazing that I had to read it several times over to make sure my eyes
were not deceiving me. As I said this work was written to undermine support for
the Soviet Union, or more specifically, Stalin, in an attempt to forestall the
collapse of Trotskyism.
IMLR: How was
Trotsky able to make such a blatant error, which amounts to an open repudiation
of Marxism, and get away with it?
TC: I may be wrong,
but it is hard to believe that this was a conscious distortion by Trotsky,
although I cannot entirely rule this out. Yet, it is hard to imagine that
anyone claiming to be a Marxist could perpetrate such a distortion while
knowing it could be so easily exposed. I do not put this past Trotsky however
because we know that in a similar vein he attacked Stalin for upholding Lenin’s
view of the possibility of socialism in one country as part of the world
revolutionary process, implying that Stalin was the author of this view. What
this suggest, if we give Trotsky the benefit of the doubt, is that he had a
relatively superficial knowledge of some Marxist text. However, we do find in
Trotsky a tendency to distort what his opponents have said, or had written in
the interest of factional considerations. This seems to be a tendency in other
pro-Trotsky writers. Take Daum, for example, he writes that Stalin declared in
1927
‘
“…only a civil war could oust the bureaucracy from power’. (Walter Daum: The Life and Death
of Stalinism- A Resurrection of Marxist Theory: p. 155)
Now, what Stalin said, if I remember correctly, in
referring to the pro-Trotsky
oppositionists was something to the effect of ‘…only a civil war can remove
these cadres’.
And in the same work, Daum, who claims to have resurrected
Marxist theory, not only from Stalinists but also from orthodox Trotskyists,
quotes a passage from Stalin referring to the 1936 constitution, which said
that
‘…our
working class, far from being bereft of the instruments and means of
production, on the contrary possess them jointly with the whole people’. (J. V. Stalin: On the Draft
Constitution of the USSR: Problems of Leninism; pp. 382-395. Quoted in Daum:
Op. cit. p.178)
Daum says about the above passage: ‘So much for the Maoist claim that the “State of the
whole people” was a counterrevolutionary Khrushchevite invention that
overturned everything that Stalin stood for’. Daum refers to the above passage from Stalin as a
‘lying and convoluted theory’. But any fool can see that Stalin, referring to
the working class possessing the means of production jointly with the whole
people is not the same as, and cannot be confused with, the Khrushchevite
revisionist talk about the ‘State of the whole people’. If Trotsky can openly repudiate Marx on the
question of the basic economic principle under socialism as distinct from the
higher phase of communism why should anyone be surprised if we find him attacking
Stalin for defending Lenin on socialism in one country as the initial stage of
the world revolutionary process. We should therefore be even less surprised if
a pro-Trotsky writer like Daum distorts Stalin in two instances and in the
latter case falsely accusing Stalin of originating the Khrushchevite
revisionist theory of the ‘State of the whole people’.
IMLR: We are in
fact looking at the concept of ‘Stalin Against the Soviet Bureaucracy’. How
does this concept stand in relation to Trotsky’s concern for the increase of
social differentiation in the Soviet Union in the 1930s and the question of the
Soviet bureaucracy?
TC: Firstly let me
say that the theory of ‘Stalin Against
the Soviet Bureaucracy’ is derived from facts. All the serious bourgeois
writers mention it in one form or another. Stalin was in an almost constant
state of conflict with the Soviet bureaucracy. No one who writes history
seriously disputes this. In fact, the Trotskyists can hardly disputes this
either. What they can do is distort the facts to support their argument that
Stalin was the ‘leader of the counterrevolutionary Soviet bureaucracy’.
IMLR: What I want
firstly is your view on the question of social differentiation in the Soviet
Union. This is a major point Trotsky is making in ‘Revolution Betrayed’.
TC: Faced with the
successes of the Soviet Union in the 1930s, which is recognised by Trotsky
himself, although he chooses to call this counterrevolution and betrayal,
Trotsky, as I previously said, wrote ‘Revolution Betrayed’ to prevent the
collapse of his movement because many people began to desert Trotsky at this
time. However, this did not mean Trotsky made no valid points, or observed
certain negative facts, but these facts were, in my view, interpreted from an
incorrect theoretical standpoint. I have already mentioned Trotsky’s open break
and rejection of Marx’s view concerning the economic difference between the
lower and higher stage of communist society. So, what does Trotsky have to say
about social differentiation in the Soviet Union under Stalin in the 1930s? In
‘Revolution Betrayed’ we find him making the following remark:
‘The
distribution of this earth’s goods in the Soviet Union, we do not doubt, is
incomparably more democratic than it was in Tsarist Russia, and even than it is
in the most democratic country of the West. But it has little in common with
socialism’. (L.
Trotsky: Revolution Betrayed; New Park; p.143)
There are two things of interest in this statement.
Although Trotsky claims that Stalin was promoting counterrevolution, he
contradicts this claim by the confession that under Stalin the distribution of
goods were more democratic than under Tsarism and ‘…even than it is in the most democratic country of
the West’. This is not a pro-Stalin writer
speaking or making pro-Soviet propaganda. This confession comes from the pen of
Trotsky himself. He says clearly that the distribution of goods was more
democratic than even in the most advanced democratic country of the west.
Yet, according to Trotsky and his followers Stalin was supposed to be leading a
counterrevolution. This makes no sense to me at all. And what does Trotsky mean
when he says this has little in common with socialism? Trotsky is wrong on this
point, but even those who agree with him would have to confess that his remark
about things being distributed more democratically than even in the advance
west would suggest that under Stalin things were certainly moving in the
direction of socialism. Anyone who agrees with the above confession by Trotsky
would have to reject the claim than Stalin was leading counterrevolution. The
question of which general direction was the Soviet Union moving under Stalin’s
leadership is the decisive test concerning revolution and counterrevolution.
Trotsky refutes his own claim that Stalin was on the wrong side. The issue of
social differentiation must be approached from within this general context.
IMLR: For Trotsky
social differentiation had led to a privileged bureaucracy, alienated from the
masses, with it’s own selfish material interests. How was this possible?
TC: I think the
very backwardness of the society inherited by the communists made social
differentiation to one degree or another inevitable. Other factors were
involved as well, such as the need to encourage the development of a skilled labour
force. Anyone who imagine it is possible to rid society of social
differentiation overnight cannot be taken seriously. But as I indicated, even
Trotsky points out that the distribution of goods in the Stalin period was more
democratic than in the most advance western countries at the time. So although
the Soviet Union was moving in a socialist direction in this period there was
still significant evidence of the existence of privileges in that society.
IMLR: Why was
social differentiation unavoidable at that stage in relation to bureaucracy and
how did it find expression?
TC: The Soviet
Union was undergoing a process which was dual in nature. The process of
modernisation was combined with the process of socialist transformation, under
very backward conditions; furthermore, this was taking place under the constant
threat of imperialist invasion. This is the general background, which we need
to have in mind when we come to consider social differentiation in the Soviet
Union. Neither the working class, the party, or socialism was strong enough to
prevent the process of social differentiation leading to the emergence of a
privileged stratum in the Soviet bureaucracy. This elite enjoyed certain
privileges based on seniority and status. Socialism cannot dispense with
administrative and technical specialists. The backward conditions in which the
revolution occurred meant that these people had to be won over, so to speak, to
work for the state and socialism, to develop the material conditions for
socialism. Privilege found expression in special shops, better housing for
leading officials, etc.
IMLR: When did all this begin, that is, the emergence of this
privileged layer within Soviet society?
TC: Some writers
argue that it began in the civil war period when the survival of the Bolsheviks
was hanging on a thread. The survival of the regime depended on attracting
military and technical specialists. I think this is as good a place to start as
any if we are considering the origins of privilege in the Soviet Union.
Contrary to the image which the Trotskyists like to display on the left,
Trotsky was one of the leading pioneers in supporting certain privileges for
the commanding stratum in the Red Army. Thus, it is important to expose the
argument or the idea that the existence of a privileged elite began with the
Stalin period.
IMLR: So you are saying that Trotsky promoted privilege when he was in
power?
TC: What I am
saying is that he stood for privileges for the officer level in the Red Army.
Eventually this Trotskyist system was extended to the top key personnel in the
Soviet State bureaucracy. In fact when Stalin and some of his supporters was
against even the use of the former military servants of the Tsarist regime,
Trotsky was not only staunchly in favour of using them, which was necessary,
but also in favour of extending certain privileges to the officer class to help
ensure loyalty.
IMLR: In other
words you are saying what Trotsky applied to the officer ‘class’ in the army
was also applied to the officer ‘class’ in the Soviet bureaucracy?
TC: Precisely. What
I mean is that neither Soviet bureaucracy, or the existence of a privilege
elite was the creation of Stalin. In Trotskyist narratives, it is easy to walk
away with the opposite conclusion. The influence of the Red Army in Soviet
political culture has been commented on by several writers. For instance,
although she writes from a bourgeois perspective, Professor Sheila Fitzpatrick
remarks that
‘To
a considerable extent, the Red Army had to fill the gap left by the breakdown
of the civilian administration: it was the largest and best functioning
bureaucracy the Soviet regime possessed in the early years with the first claim
on all resources’. (S.
Fitzpatrick: The Russian Revolution; p.68)
So that in the early years of the revolution, the Red Army,
with Trotsky at its head, with a rank-and-file and a privileged officer class,
became a model for the Soviet State bureaucracy, and Sheila Fitzpatrick argues
that
‘In
fact, the rationing system under War Communism favoured certain categories of
the population, including Red Army personnel, skilled workers in key
industries, Communist administrators and some groups of the intelligentsia’. (Sheila Fitzpatrick; op. cit.
p.73)
IMLR: Nevertheless,
in his ‘Revolution Betrayed’, Trotsky argues that it is not the structures of
the army which determine the social structures of the state. Do you agree with
this proposition?
TC: I think here
Trotsky presents the argument abstractly. What is necessary is look at the
concrete origins of a particular State. What we find in the case of Russia is
that the old Tsarist State collapsed as a result of war and revolution. Soon
the Red Army became the largest and most powerful institution in the Soviet
State. After the civil war, many military people went over to work in the
civilian administrative apparatuses. So contrary to what Trotsky says, in this
particular concrete case, the Red Army was one of, if not the most important
influences determining the structures of the state. One aspect of the structure
of the Red Army was that, in order to gain the co-operation of the former
military servants of the Tsarist regime, the officer class in the army, with
the approval of Trotsky, who was the acting chief of the army at the time, was
granted certain privileges and this was considered as an expediency.
IMLR: What you seem
to be saying is that the question of social differentiation in the Soviet Union
cannot be understood abstractly outside of the real historical context, and
that a concrete approach is necessary. Am I right that you are suggesting that
this approach show that the leader of the Red Army at the time, Trotsky,
developed the policy of granting privileges to the officer class in the army.
This policy was then generally applied to key officials in the state
bureaucracy, to its ‘officer class’ so to speak.
TC: Yes. The
origins of the system of granting privileges to certain key personnel can
partly be traced right back to Trotsky. I am not making a moralistic point
here, because this could hardly have been done without Lenin’s knowledge who
would have regarded it as a temporary necessity. Yet, there can be little doubt
that Trotsky was one of the original authors of granting such privileges back
in the civil war days.
IMLR: So the
emergence of a privileged elite in the Red Army and in the other parts of the
top echelons of the State apparatus can be traced back to Trotsky?
TC: Privilege was
granted to certain select groups, as Fitzpatrick shows, in order to save working
class political power from collapsing under the strain of the civil war. This
can be justified as a short-term measure if it saves working class power from
collapsing. However, viewed long term, it turns into its opposite, promoting
the downfall of this power. This is because if a privileged stratum emerges in
a country undergoing socialist transformation, parts of this stratum can become
the vehicle for revisionist ideology and restorationist tendencies if the
balance of forces changes against socialism. The former Soviet Union is living
proof of this process in action. Yes, the origin of granting privileges can be
traced back to Trotsky.
IMLR: The
Trotskyists would argue that the point about privilege leading to
counterrevolution was the very point that Trotsky was later to make. How do you
answer this?
TC: After losing
power Trotsky warned that the emergence of a privileged stratum in the Soviet
Union would form the basis for capitalist counterrevolution, but his
explanation of this process was, in my view, of an abstract nature. No one can doubt the danger of a privileged
stratum in a society undergoing socialist transformation, but one needs the
right approach in reacting to it. Lenin wrote that
‘specialists – as a
separate stratum, which will persist until we have reached the highest stage of
development of communist society…’(See: Lenin: Vol. 33; p.194) should be given better
conditions than they enjoyed under capitalism, thus win them over to the
building of socialism. But, beyond a certain point, under certain conditions,
this can work against socialism, and we need to keep this in mind.
IMLR: What do you
mean by ‘abstract’ in the above context and how does this relate to the notion
of ‘Stalin Against the Soviet Bureaucracy’?
TC: Well, Trotsky
employs the category of a ‘counterrevolutionary Soviet bureaucracy’ but
Marxist-Leninists argue that this is an abstract presentation of the issue.
Furthermore, it is this type of abstraction which tends to characterise
Trotsky’s theoretical thought. These types of generalised statements and ideas
can lead to unfortunate consequences if not given concrete content. What in
fact emerges is a contradiction between Trotsky’s foundational categories and
actual concrete reality.
IMLR: Yes, but what is this contradiction are you referring to?
TC: What I am
referring to is that there was never such a thing as a ‘counterrevolutionary
Soviet bureaucracy’, or ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’.
IMLR: In view of
what has happened in the former Soviet Union I can almost hear Trotskyists
laughing at you here. Elaborate your point.
TC: Well let them
laugh. A sense of humour never did anyone any harm. This concept of Trotsky’s
was abstract, too abstract to be of any use to communists. If Trotsky had
spoken of counterrevolutionary elements within the Soviet bureaucracy
whom needed to be unmasked and purged, no Marxist-Leninists could disagree with
him. However, to speak of a counterrevolutionary Soviet bureaucracy was
nonsense. On the other hand, to speak of counterrevolutionary, revisionist
elements in the Soviet bureaucracy and the need to purge them would be to make
a concrete statement.
IMLR: Are you
therefore saying that Trotsky was not aware of the different elements that made
up the Soviet bureaucracy?
TC: Of course he
was aware that the bureaucracy, even at the highest level, contained different
elements, but he lacked a theoretically concrete understanding of the
significance of this recognition for political purposes. That is why Trotsky
and the Trotskyists speak of a counterrevolutionary
Soviet bureaucracy, failing to realise the theoretical importance of
distinguishing the revolutionary from the counterrevolutionary elements. To
prove my point I need only add that in some of his writings Trotsky speaks of
the ‘dual’ nature of the bureaucracy, but does not draw the right conclusions
which would have provided the basis for a correct political strategy. His
recognition that the Soviet bureaucracy was not homogeneous was secondary to
his view about a counterrevolutionary Soviet bureaucracy. So that his proposals
and admonition to his followers that in the event of counterrevolutionary
attempts they should join with the Stalinists against the Right was negated by
his concept of a ‘counterrevolutionary Soviet bureaucracy’. The term
‘counterrevolutionary Soviet bureaucracy’ was a political statement that
Trotsky, in practice, if not in theory, regarded the Soviet bureaucracy as
homogeneous.
IMLR: You are
therefore suggesting that on this question, the basic difference between
Marxist-Leninists and Trotskyism is that the former recognised the
heterogeneous nature of the Soviet bureaucracy as a main determinant for
strategy towards it, while the Trotskyist, in practice, failed to take this
heterogeneity into account?
TC: This is true.
That is why while Marxist-Leninists refer to the need to purge the bureaucracy,
unmasking the concealed enemies of socialism; Trotskyism, on the other hand,
refer to the need to make a ‘political’ revolution against the bureaucracy.
This is to throw the baby out with the bath water. In his letter to M.F.
Sokolov, Lenin challenges this pseudo-left approach to fighting bureaucracy. He
explained that while it was possible to throw out the capitalist and the
landowners, bureaucracy was another matter because
‘…you
cannot “throw out” bureaucracy in a peasant country, you cannot “wipe it off
the face of the earth”. You can only reduce it by slow and stubborn effort’. (V. I. Lenin: Vol. 35; p. 492; May
16, 1921)
Lenin argued against Sokolov that
‘To
“throw off” the “bureaucratic ulcer”, as you put it in another place, is wrong
in its very formulation. It means you don’t understand the question’. (Ibid.)
And continuing to press his point home, Lenin observed
‘To
“throw off” an ulcer of this kind is impossible.
It can only be healed. Surgery in this case is an absurdity, an
impossibility; only a slow cure – all the rest is charlatanry or naïveté…You
are naïve, that’s just what it is, excuse my frankness’. (Ibid.)
Lenin advised Sokolov that the struggle against bureaucracy
must be pursued
‘…according
to the rules of war’.
(Ibid.)
This was because, in Lenin’s view at the time
‘The struggle against
bureaucracy in a peasant and absolutely exhausted country is a long job, and
this struggle must be carried on persistently, without losing heart at the
first reverse’. (V. I.
Lenin: Vol. 35; p.493; May 16, 1921)
Lenin concluded
‘
“Throw off” the “chief administration”? Nonsense. What would you set up
instead? You don’t know. You must not throw them off, but cleanse them, heal
them, heal and cleanse them ten times and a hundred times. And not lose heart’. (Ibid.)
Already in this letter by Lenin we see a rejection of what
would become the later Trotskyist line; the call for political revolution as a
solution to the problems of Soviet bureaucracy. Trotsky was to justify this
line with the argument that the Soviet bureaucracy had become a new ruling
caste.
IMLR: The
Trotskyist narrative paints Stalin as being the representative of the Soviet
bureaucracy. How does this relate to their views of the bureaucracy?
TC: Well, as I
explained previously, in Trotskyism the Soviet bureaucracy is presented as a
pure abstraction. It is not only ‘conservative’ but it is also Thermidorian and
therefore thoroughly counterrevolutionary. For Trotsky the Soviet bureaucracy
was the ‘most counterrevolutionary force in the international working class
movement’. How absurd can you get? Where for Lenin the most
counterrevolutionary force in the working class was the Social Democracy, the
watchdogs of imperialism, for Trotsky it was the ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’. In
Trotskyism, Stalin was supposed to be the leader of this abstraction, the
‘counterrevolutionary Soviet bureaucracy’. Even one of the most anti-Stalin
bourgeois writers rejects this Trotskyist view of the bureaucracy. For
instance, R. C. Tucker writes that
‘Trotsky’s
theory of the Soviet Thermidor, although not without elements of truth, was
seriously flawed. As later events showed it erred in its image of the Bolshevik
ruling stratum as a soddenly conservative if not counterrevolutionary force’. (R. C. Tucker: Stalin: p.391)
Therefore, we see that even for a writer who writes with a
bourgeois and anti-Stalin perspective, Trotsky’s theory of a
counterrevolutionary Soviet bureaucracy was an ‘abstraction’, that is to say a
superficial way to go about looking at things. Thus, the anti-Stalin Tucker can
argue that
‘…the
ruling bureaucracy, in which many old Bolsheviks were still represented in
leading positions, was not accurately described as “Thermidorian”. Its
unresponsiveness to Trotsky’s position was not rooted in counterrevolutionary
inclinations. Nor was its receptivity to “socialism in one country” a sign of
indifference to socialism as a universal goal’. ( Tucker:
Op. Cit. p.392)
These views, although containing distortions, are closer to
the truth than the views of the Trotskyists.
Tucker, although writing from an anti-Stalin perspective,
challenges some of the core assumptions of Trotskyism. For instance, he argues
that
‘Not
without justification did Stalin, for example, still find it expedient in 1926
to speak to his party audience of the impetus that the USSR could give the
world revolution by its success in building a socialist society’. (Tucker: ibid. p.392)
We can disregard the word ‘expedient’ here because Stalin’s
position was not based on expediency as regard the possibility of building
socialism in one country as part of the revolutionary process. Tucker writes
that
‘If
Trotsky’s picture of the bureaucracy as a Thermidorian group was inaccurate, he
was likewise mistaken in his view of Stalin as its mere instrument and
personification, who owed his political success to his mediocrity’. (Tucker: ibid. p.392)
Therefore, to answer your question about how Trotsky viewed
Stalin and how this relates to their conception of the Soviet bureaucracy, I
would argue the following: Trotsky was defeated by Stalin in the struggle over
policies in the 1920s, which was also a struggle for power; this made the
latter ‘counterrevolutionary’ in Trotsky’s eyes, and the Soviet bureaucracy
which Stalin was trying to direct had to become counterrevolutionary too.
IMLR: But nevertheless you are not
saying the same as what Tucker is saying, are you?
TC: Tucker,
although anti-Stalin, comes closer to the truth on this issue than the
Trotskyists. Obviously, one reason for this is that he is not motivated by
factional considerations as such. He recognises that Trotsky’s theory that the
Soviet bureaucracy was a counterrevolutionary group was inaccurate, in other
words an abstraction. He comes closer to the truth without reaching it. In
fact, there are two possible abstractions. The first is the Trotskyist one that
the Soviet bureaucracy was ‘counterrevolutionary’, and the opposite abstraction
that the Soviet bureaucracy was ‘revolutionary’. Those who adopt the latter
position are faced with the problem of explaining why both Lenin and Stalin
found it necessary to promote purges of the bureaucracy. Therefore,
Marxist-Leninists do not speak of a ‘revolutionary’ or ‘counterrevolutionary’
Soviet bureaucracy as such. They recognise that the Soviet bureaucracy
contained counterrevolutionary elements that wore a communist mask, therefore
it was the duty of the party leadership to unmask these elements within the
bureaucracy and purge them.
IMLR: The general
Marxist-Leninist consensus is that when Stalin was leading the Soviet Communist
Party, the counterrevolutionary, revisionist elements were not in the
ascendancy. Do you subscribe to this view?
TC: Generally I
subscribe to this view, although of course, in reality the picture was somewhat
more complex. Marxist-Leninists criticise Trotsky for presenting simplistic
pictures, such as a ‘counterrevolutionary Soviet bureaucracy’. What was closer
to the truth was that the Marxist Leninists were on many issues in a minority
in the party and some of the organs of state power, but they were able to hold
on to some decisive key positions. Forget what you read in bourgeois or
Trotskyist literature about the ‘Stalinist’ hold on the Soviet State. Nothing
would have been easier than to drive the ‘Stalinists’ from power had the
working class masses not stood behind them. I use the term ‘Stalinist’ here
simply to refer to those who supported Stalin.
IMLR: This seems to
be the opposite of the Trotskyist position, which argues that the ‘Stalinists’
were able to defeat Trotsky and come to power because they had the support of
the Soviet bureaucracy. How do you reply to this?
TC: If I was
presenting my case on this simplistic level I would argue that most, or at
least enough of the top bureaucrats supported the Rightists and that
consequently if success in the inner party struggle depended on support from
the bureaucrats, the Rightist would have come to power. If you defend the
Trotskyist view that most of the bureaucrats supported the pro-Stalin people,
you arrive at the absurd position of having to explain why the constant purges.
Stalin would be a very inexplicable individual and leader indeed, if, unlike
other political leaders, and contrary to normal reasoning, he thought that the
best way to remain in power was to devote so much time purging and removing
from office his ardent supporters. Trotskyism is responsible for the
simplistic and incorrect view that the Soviet bureaucracy was composed of
mainly enthusiastic supporters of Stalin. This view, however, is clearly
contradicted by the repeated purges, especially the purges of the 1930s. We
are told by Tucker, who, as I said is an anti-Stalin writer, that the Bukharinist
right ‘…had considerable influence in the
Soviet government bureaucracy, over which Rykov presided as premier and in
Tomsky’s trade union hierarchy’. (Tucker: Stalin: 411)
IMLR: What, in your view, was the extent of support for Stalin in the
Soviet bureaucracy?
TC: It is not
possible to give a precise figure about the extent of support for Stalin and
his group in this context. Only general statement can be made as to the extent
of support at the level of the bureaucracy. I will only say that the extent of
support was probably highest among those office holders closer to the working
people.
IMLR: Trotsky
promoted the theory of a ‘counterrevolutionary Soviet bureaucracy’, but
Marxist-Leninists while rejecting this theory recognised that there were counterrevolutionary
elements to be found within the bureaucracy and that it was necessary to unmask
them. Where did these counterrevolutionary, or Thermidorian elements come from?
TC: They came from
Russia’s past and this past had a long bureaucratic tradition, which was of the
subject of social satire for generations of Russian writers. Bureaucracy was
considered one of the constant banes of Russian life. J. N. Westwood remarks
that
‘Bureaucracy
and bureaucratic practice were (and remained) a pervasive and depressive
feature of Russian life’.
(J. N. Westwood: Endurance and Endeavour- Russian History, 1812-1986. Third
Edition; p.163)
Stalin in debates with the Trotsky and Zinoviev oppositions
explains very clearly the nature of the Thermidorian danger to the revolution.
It is important to mention this because in Trotskyism the impression is always
given that that Stalin and his supporters were not aware of the thermidorian
danger. Thus in 1927 Stalin remarked in referring to the opposition that
‘They
say that there are certain elements in the country who betray tendencies
towards a restoration, towards a Thermidor. But no body has ever denied that.
Since antagonistic classes exist, since classes have not been abolished,
attempts will always, of course, be made to restore the old order’. (J. V. Stalin: Works 10; Foreign
Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1954; p. 92)
After the Russian socialist revolution, the Bolsheviks
inherited this huge bureaucratic apparatus, made up of former servants of the
Tsarist regime. In 1919, Lenin made the observation that
‘The
Tsarist bureaucrats began to join Soviet institutions and practice their
bureaucratic methods, they began to assume the colouring of communists and to
succeed better in their careers, to procure membership cards of the Russian
Communist Party…’ (V.
I. Lenin, March 1919; CW. Vol. 29; p.183)
And as we know, for Lenin the
Soviet State was a bureaucratically distorted State,
‘…a
workers state with bureaucratic distortions’. (See Lenin, Vol. 32; p.48)
However, after the revolution increasing numbers of workers
were promoted into the administration. But, the question of who was directing
who was still of concern to Lenin and this led him to remark that
‘If
we take Moscow with its 4, 700 communists in responsible positions, and if we
take the huge bureaucratic machine, that gigantic heap, we must ask: who is
directing whom.’ (See
Lenin, Vol. 33; pp. 288-289)
For Lenin the answer was clear
enough and he observed that
‘I
doubt very much whether it can be said that the communists are directing that
heap. To tell the truth, they are not directing, they are being directed’. (Lenin: ibid.)
Having taken over the administrative apparatus from the
former Tsarist State, the Bolsheviks had to restructure this ‘huge heap’ and
promote worker communists to it. Measures were proposed to fight bureaucracy
and create a more efficient system, but the bureaucracy still grew and the
‘Workers and Peasants Inspection’, which had Stalin as its nominal head, had
marginal influence in combating the bureaucratic malady. Lenin refused to put
its failure on Stalin, which the Trotskyists attempted to do at a later stage.
Lenin recognised that Stalin could not be blamed for the failure of ‘Rabkrin’
because his other duties in the civil war period and after prevented him from
giving Rabkrin his full attention. In fact, Lenin blamed the failure of the
Workers’ and Peasants Inspection on Russia’s low cultural level inherited from
the past, and in exonerating Stalin for its failure, Lenin remarked in a letter
to Joffe that
‘…fate
had not allowed [Stalin] even once in
three and a half years to be either
People’s Commissar of Workers’ and Peasants Inspection or of Nationalities.
That’s a fact’ (Lenin.
Vol. 45; p.100)
We can only assume that since Joffe was a supporter of
Trotsky, Lenin, even at this early stage was attempting to nip in the bud
mendacious rumours that the failures of Rabkrin should be placed at Stalin’s
door. The Trotskyist attacks on Stalin over this question collapses ignominiously
for all to see. The author of this collapse is Lenin himself.
IMLR: What was the
brief of the Workers and Peasants Inspection; how was it to go about fighting
what Lenin considered the evils of bureaucracy?
TC: Lenin sponsored
a decree on February 7, 1920 which created the ‘Peoples’ Commissariat of
Workers and Peasants Inspection’, otherwise known as Rabkrin. It was given full
powers to begin the struggle against the evils of bureaucracy. The Peoples
Commissariat for this department, was Stalin, who, as I said, because of the
pressures of other duties was unable to give the work his full attention, or
according to Lenin, any attention at all.
Lenin wanted Rabkrin to enlist the help of non-party
workers and peasants in the task of fighting bureaucracy, but he regarded this
as a difficult task because
‘It
is no easy matter to enlist for the state administrative work rank-and-file
workers and peasants who for centuries have been downtrodden and intimidated by
the landowners and capitalists’. (Lenin: Vol. 30, p.64)
For Lenin, therefore, part of the key in the struggle
against the evils of bureaucracy was, through Rabkrin, to enlist non-party
people, and he remarked that
‘At
a time when hostile elements are trying by every method of warfare, deceit and
provocation to cling to us and take advantage of the fact that membership of
the government party offers certain privileges, we must act in contact with the
non-party people’.
(Lenin: Vol. 30; pp. 415-416)
Therefore, it is absolutely clear that Lenin’s strategy for
fighting what he considered to be the evils of bureaucracy was partly based on
a strategy of gaining the support of the masses of non-party people. Some will
debate whether this was a utopian strategy at the best of times let alone in
the conditions which the Soviet masses found themselves in after the civil war.
However, what is not debatable is that Lenin based the struggle against the
evils of bureaucracy on a long-term perspective, which even Trotsky recognised
before he turned the matter into a factional issue.
IMLR: Why do you
say some may regard this struggle, involving the enlistment of the non-party
masses, as utopian?
TC: Well for Lenin
the struggles against the evils of bureaucracy meant, firstly, the need to
rectify its dysfunctional aspects. Mass involvement in the fight to rectify the
negative aspects of bureaucracy in the immediate post civil war period may have
been based more on rhetoric than anything else, and as I said above Lenin
himself recognised that it would be a difficult to get the masses involved in
this project. It is not surprising that Rabkrin had little success in this
respect and it is no use putting the blame for this at Stalin’s door, as the
Trotskyist attempted to do, disregarding the fact that Lenin completely
exonerated Stalin from being responsible for the shortcomings of Rabkrin. What
is more probable is that the conditions of the Soviet masses at the time made
them politically indifferent to the question of bureaucracy in any active way.
This is one reason why Lenin’s call for a long-term strategy to combat
bureaucracy makes sense. However, Lenin soon came to realise not only the
long-term aspect of this struggle but also the complicated nature of the fight
against the evils of bureaucracy. In his article ‘Better Fewer, But Better’
Lenin had moved a long way from the view he took in ‘State and Revolution’ that
any cook could administer the state. In fact now he proposed that there should
be an exam for prospective candidates who wanted to work in Rabkrin. (See
Lenin: volume 33; p. 493) and he wanted Rabkrin to be
‘…the
model for our entire state apparatus’. (V. I. Lenin: CW. Vol. 33; p.492)
Also, Lenin suggested that
candidates to work in this Commissariat should be drawn from
‘…our
Soviet higher schools’.
(Lenin: ibid. p.493)
He argued that this was because
‘…it
would hardly be right to exclude one or another category beforehand’. (Lenin: ibid. p. 493)
For Lenin Some of Rabkrin’s appointees would also be
required to study the theory of organisation, and he suggested sending them to
the advanced Western European countries to familiarise themselves with the
technique of modern administration. (See: Vol. 33; p.494) In short, Lenin
seemed to have moved to the position that administration was something which
required professionalism and a relative high level of culture. It was this
element which the Soviet workers were lacking at the time. Indeed, Lenin came
to regard administration as a science, thus appointees to Rabkrin would be
expected to
‘…undergo
a special test as regards their knowledge of the principles of scientific
organisation of labour in general, and of administrative work, office work, and
so forth, in particular’.
(V. I. Lenin: CW. Vol. 33; p.485)
The Lenin in ‘Better Fewer, But Better’ observed that, the
Soviet workers at the time were mostly not sufficiently educated to take on the
task successfully, and he remarked that
‘They would like to build a better apparatus for us,
but do not know how’.
(Op. cit. p.488)
Thus, it was necessary to bring in and train a professional
cadre for this work, who would be fused with the masses. Improving the state
apparatus would require great patience, and Lenin argued that the Soviet Union
‘…lacked
enough civilisation to enable us to pass straight to socialism, although we
have the political requisites for it’. (Vol. 33; p.501)
And he suggested that
‘…in
matters of our state apparatus we should now draw the conclusion from our past
experience that it would be better to proceed more slowly’. (V. I. Lenin: ‘Better Fewer, But
Better, in: CW. Vol. 33; p. 487)
To fight the bureaucratic defects
of the state apparatus, Lenin noted, would
‘…take
many, many years’.
(Vol. 33; p. 488)
This is a central hallmark of Marxism-Leninism, in contrast
to Trotskyism, the recognition that the struggle against the negative side of
Soviet bureaucracy would require a long period.
He argued that in the struggle for
a better State apparatus
‘…we
must not make the demands that are made by bourgeois Western Europe, but demands
that are fit and proper for a country which has set out to develop into a
socialist country’.
(V. I. Lenin. Vol. 33; p.489)
In fighting for a better
administration, he noted that in this struggle
‘…devilish
persistence will be required, that in the first few years at least work in this
field will be hellishly hard’. (See: Vol. 33; p. 490)
For Lenin, when considering the
question of improving the state apparatus
‘…there
can scarcely be anything more harmful than haste’. (Vol. 33; p. 490)
This was a lesson which the
Trotskyists were to caste overboard in their bid for power.
Lenin called for the new Rabkrin to
reject the approach
‘…which
plays entirely into the hands of our Soviet and Party bureaucrats’. (See: Vol. 33. P.494)
And he insisted that
‘…we
have bureaucrats in our Party offices as well as our Soviet offices’. (Ibid. p. 494)
Lenin argued that the Workers’ and
Peasants’ Inspection should be given universal powers so that
‘The
function of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection cover our state apparatus as
a whole, and its activities should affect all and every state institution
without exception: local, central, commercial, purely administrative,
theatrical, etc.-in short all without exception’. (V. I. Lenin: Vol. 33; p.496)
The conclusion Lenin came to was
that
‘…only
by thoroughly purging our government machine, by reducing to the utmost
everything that is not absolutely essential in it , shall we be certain of
being able to keep going’. (V. I. Lenin: CW. Vol. Pp. 501-2; March 2, 1923)
IMLR: But Trotsky,
having first supported the Leninist view on how to fight bureaucracy, later
departed from this view. Do you think this was only out of factional motives?
TC: Yes. I think we
are dealing here with factional motives. I do not think it is possible to
separate Trotsky’s position on bureaucracy from his other political
considerations and these considerations led to Trotsky changing is position and
opposing the realistic view that the fight against Soviet bureaucracy should be
based on a long-term strategy. Another point is that although Trotsky did not
call the bureaucracy a class, nor did he ever regard it as a class,
nevertheless his whole approach to the struggle against bureaucracy was as if
it was a class. The Soviet bureaucracy was not a class; rather they were
employees of the state. These employees could be sacked, purged or demoted at
any time by the party, and many were. Therefore, Trotsky was right to say that
the bureaucracy was not a class, but he was wrong to treat it as if it was a
class. I am of course speaking of bureaucracy as a whole. That is to say the
bureaucracy as a whole was not a class but this does mean to say it did not
contain members of former classes and the possibility for the rise of new
bourgeois elements within the state and industrial apparatus and even in the
communist party itself. Of course, the political representatives of the new
bourgeois elements who rise in the communist movement are the revisionists on
the right.
IMLR: How did Trotsky actually view the Soviet bureaucracy
theoretically?
TC: I think it is
necessary to make a distinction between Trotsky’s critique of Soviet
bureaucracy and Trotsky’s theory of Soviet bureaucracy. The two are not the
same thing. When Trotsky criticises the excessive privileges of the top
bureaucrats, I think such criticism is valid. This is where many of those who
call themselves Marxist-Leninists fall down. They have nothing to say about the
existence of a privileged stratum in the Soviet Union and how it came about. They
idolise the Russian socialist revolution, rightly praising its achievements,
but completely ignore its shortcomings. This is especially the case with the
revisionists in the communist movement. Some Marxist-Leninists also shied away
from the issue because they feared giving the enemies of communism a stick to
beat the Soviet Union with. Trotsky’s theory simply says that a privileged
bureaucracy came to power in the post Lenin period and led a reaction to the
October revolution. This was summed up, Trotsky explained, in the theory of
socialism in one country. A privilege social stratum certainly emerged after
the revolution. Trotsky should certainly know about it because as I explained
earlier, he sponsored its formation in regard to the top leaders in the Red
Army. The revolution in a backward country was forced to make a concession to
these elements, to buy their services, so to speak. All the Bolshevik leaders
recognised this openly, particularly Lenin who viewed the matter with his
characteristic sobriety. He also recognised, that specialists, as a separate
stratum would continue to exist until we reach the highest stage of communism
‘Now
we have to resort to the old bourgeois methods and agree to pay a very high
price for the “services” of the bourgeois experts. All those who are familiar
with the subject appreciate this, but not all ponder over the significance of
this measure being adopted by the proletarian state. Clearly this measure is a
compromise, a departure from the principles of the Paris Commune and of every
proletarian power, which call for the reduction of all salaries to the level of
the average worker, which urge that careerism be fought not merely in words,
but deeds’. (V. I.
Lenin: CW. 27; PP. 248-9)
For Lenin paying high salaries to
experts was
‘…a
step backward on the part of the socialist Soviet State power, which from the
very outset proclaimed and pursued the policy of reducing high salaries to the
level of the wages of the average worker’. (V. I. Lenin: Vol. 27; p. 249)
Lenin remarked that our enemies
‘…will
giggle over our confession that we are taking a step backward. But we need not
mind their giggling’.
(ibid; p.249)
Lenin openly admitted this retreat
from communist principles and wanted the masses to know, because
‘To
conceal from the people the fact that the enlistment of bourgeois experts by
means of extremely high salaries is a retreat from the principles of the Paris
Commune would be sinking to the level of bourgeois politicians’. (ibid; p.249)
It is not possible to have a socialist revolution in a
backward society, where 80 or 90 percent of the population is made up of the
peasantry without making concessions. NEP was a concession to the capitalists;
privileges were a concession to the bureaucrats and other experts. In other
words, material conditions forced the communists to act against their
principles and views in order to save the revolution. Can anyone seriously
believe that Lenin or Stalin wanted capitalists or privileged bureaucrats, of
course they did not, but they had to put up with them, keeping them in check,
thus saving the revolution until such time that they could dispense with them.
But in spite of all these concessions, which were alien to the ultimate aims of
the revolution, we find Trotsky conceding in ‘Revolution Betrayed’ that under
Stalin this worlds goods were more democratically distributed than even in the
most advanced capitalist countries of the west. That this was written by
Stalin’s archenemy speaks volumes.
IMLR:
Marxist-Leninists reject the view that a counterrevolutionary
bureaucracy came to power in the Soviet Union, and you say that Trotsky’s
position on bureaucracy raises important points. Can you elaborate on this?
TC: What
Marxist-Leninists reject is the view that a counterrevolutionary bureaucracy
came to power in the period of Stalin. Under Stalin, the bureaucracy was
kept in check, just as under Lenin the NEP capitalist were kept in check. The
picture begins to change in the post Stalin period. I think the criticism of
Stalin by the Trotskyists is so unfair that I cannot take it seriously.
Honestly, look at the problems Stalin had to face, or for that matter, anyone
in a similar position. Firstly the problem of industrialising a backward
country, which thankfully Stalin achieved in record time to thwart the
intentions of imperialist fascism. Secondly, the problem of fighting the
internal counterrevolution. Thirdly the problem of educating millions of
peasants and workers. Fourthly, the problem of building up strong armed forces.
Fifthly, the problem of starting to bring socialism to millions of people under
adverse conditions. Sixthly, the problem of fighting sabotages. Seventhly, the
problem of trying to stop an imperialist united-front against the Soviet Union
from emerging. Eighthly, the problem of preventing the disintegration of the
Soviet Communist Party, Ninthly, the problem of holding a multi-national Soviet
Union together. Tenthly, the problem of innovation, of being the first to lead
the transition to socialism with no previous models or experience. These are
some of the problems which Stalin had to face and find solutions to. And,
finally, we should not forget the aid Stalin gave to the development of the
international communist movement. Whom, may I ask would want to be in Stalin’s
position? Yet, in spite of all these multitude of problems Trotsky admits that under
Stalin material goods were more democratically distributed than under Tsarism
and than under the most advance capitalist countries of the west. Read
Trotsky’s description:
‘Gigantic
achievements in industry, enormously promising beginnings in agriculture, an
extraordinary growth of the old industrial cities, and a building of new ones,
a rapid increase in the numbers of workers, a rise in cultural level and
cultural demands-such are the indubitable results of the October revolution, in
which the prophets of the old world tried to see the grave of human
civilisation. With the bourgeois economists we have no longer anything to
quarrel over. Socialism has demonstrated its right to victory, not on the pages
of Das Kapital, but in an industrial
arena comprising a sixth part of the
earth’s surface-not in the language of dialectics, but in the language of
steel, cement and electricity. Even if the Soviet Union, as a result of
internal difficulties, external blows and the mistake of its leadership, were
to collapse-which we firmly hope will not happen-there would remain as an
earnest of the future this indestructible fact, that thanks solely to the
proletarian revolution a backward country has achieved in less than ten years
successes unexampled in history’. (Trotsky: Revolution Betrayed; New Park; p.8; 1936)
What Trotsky could not bring himself to admit is that all
this was achieved under J. V. Stalin’s leadership. In one breath, Trotsky
praises the achievements of the Soviet Union, but because this was all achieved
by his rival he calls this ‘the revolution betrayed’. Trotsky fails to explain
how a counterrevolutionary leadership could have brought these ‘successes unexampled in history’.
IMLR: What other interesting points Trotsky’s position on bureaucracy
raise, in your view?
TC: Well, for
Trotsky, bureaucracy resulted from the isolation of the revolution. Lenin
attributed bureaucracy to the backward, petty bourgeois character of Russia. In
my view both proposition are debatable. The fact is that bureaucracies run all
modern societies. There is little reason to suppose that a socialist society,
the first stage in the transition to communism, will be very different in this
respect. The ‘bureaucracy’ is an agency for the implementation of government
policies and decisions. It is the servant of the state and the ruling class in
power. The bureaucrats, regardless of their status, are paid employees.
In fact, the First Congress of the
Comintern, held in 1919, advocated that
‘…Soviet
power must steadily build up a huge administrative apparatus and centralise its
organisation, and, at the same time draw increasing layers of the working
people into direct administrative work’. (See: Theses, Resolution and manifestos of the First Four
Congress of the Third International; p.44)
Resolutions such as these gave no indication of what
drawing increasing numbers of working people into administrative work actually
look like in practice. Yet at the same time it sanctions the creation of a
‘huge administrative apparatus’, oblivious to the problems of bureaucracy that
we would expect to arise therefrom.
IMLR: This leads me
to the question of what is ‘bureaucracy’ and what did Trotsky mean by
bureaucracy?
TC:
Generally, any formal and structured organisation with a hierarchy of
officials is referred to as a
‘bureaucracy’. Modern bureaucracies arise out of the
increasing complexities of life in industrialised societies. Bureaucracy, as a form
of organisation arises on the basis of the division of labour to
meet the administrative needs of society. In Trotskyism we read about the need
to overthrow the Soviet, or ‘Stalinist’ bureaucracy, but we are not told what
they intend to replace it with, or even how society, at the present stage is
going to manage without a bureaucracy as long as the division of labour exist.
When Trotsky speaks of bureaucracy it is obvious that he is referring to a
particular stratum within the bureaucracy, consequently his use of the term is
highly misleading in this context. Lovell, who does not write from a
Marxist-Leninist perspective, argues that Trotsky does not analyse bureaucracy
as such
‘Trotsky
does not tell us much at all about the Soviet bureaucracy, even though he
claimed to analyse it and its power’. ( David W. Lovell: Trotsky’s Analysis of Soviet
Bureaucracy; p.4)
IMLR: Are you
suggesting that he identifies the concept of bureaucracy with a particular
stratum within it?
TC: I am certainly
saying this, but I am also suggesting that he politicise the concept in such a
way as to lead him to false conclusions. When you ask what the term
‘bureaucracy’ actually signifies, the first thing I can say is that all
theorists of bureaucracy have given the term their own interpretation, but no
one has interpreted the concept in the political or ideological way that
Trotsky does. For instance, he argues that the doctrine of ‘socialism in one
country’ is the political line, or ideology of the Soviet, Stalinist bureaucracy.
When we trace the development of the concept ‘bureaucracy’,
we find that modern concepts of bureaucracy arose in the 19th
century and the bourgeois sociologist, Max Weber’s concept of bureaucracy
became very influential in the bourgeois social sciences. There were previously
three types of regimes. The Typology was Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy.
Weber extended this typology to include Bureaucracy. However, the first
academic study of the term bureaucracy was when Robert Von Mohl expressed concern
at the various uses of this term. Mohl argued that everyone was talking about
bureaucracy, yet no one appeared to have given it thought. (Martin Albrow:
Bureaucracy; p. 124) Mohl suggested
that although this term was used to give the impression of knowledge and
political sophistication, it, more often than not, concealed ignorance about
its subject matter.
The term ‘bureaucracy’ is derived from the French word
bureau, which was originally a writing desk with a chest of draws. The 19th
century French writer, Balzac once described bureaucracy as ‘The giant powers
wield by pigmies, come into the world. It is also suggested that possibly
Napoleon retarded its influence for a while, ‘for all things and all men were
forced to bend to his will’. Balzac’s 1836 novel Les Employes was regarded as a half treatise on bureaucracy. In his
book “The Kings Servants” (1961),
The British historian G. E. Aylmer reviews different
concepts of bureaucracy to find one suitable for his study of the civil service
of Charles I. Aylmer concludes that historians will find it most useful to
‘…to
think of bureaucracy as referring to certain methods of administration’. (In: Albrow; p.99)
This definition includes such attributes as ‘…professionalism, regular hierarchy, division into
departments, and heavy reliance on written records’. (Albrow: p.99)
From this standpoint argues Aylmer ‘…England can be said to have a bureaucracy since the
Twelfth Century’.
(Albrow: p.99)
Most theorists on bureaucracy agree that the above features
listed by Aylmer are universal, but Albrow remarks ‘…it would be wrong to suppose that the universality
of these features is non-controversial’. (Albrow; p.99)
Bureaucracy is often regarded as the administrative staff,
and a standard English dictionary definition defines bureaucracy as ‘government
by central administration’ and this is associated with ‘officialism' or
officials of such government, and bureaucrats are often regarded as people who
are unimaginative; the word bureaucracy is popularly used to express the
frustration which people encounter when dealing with public officials. The
problems of bureaucracy seem to affect all societies to varying degrees, for
instance on January 29th, 1968, the British House of Commons debated
a Conservative motion condemning ‘…the continual growth of bureaucracy’. (Albrow; p.13) One concept of
bureaucracy ‘is that the people who are
appointed are not responsible to the people whose life they affect’. (Ibid.) Sometimes the term
‘bureaucracy’ is associated with administrative efficiency, at other times the
opposite, administrative inefficiency is meant. Some writers use the term
bureaucracy as a synonym for the ‘Civil Service’. The term may also be used for
summing up the basic feature of organisational structure and it may also be
used to refer to a body of officials in the dictionary sense, or alternatively
to mean the ‘routine’ of administrative procedure. One thing is certain is that
there is an absence of unity between theorists about what the term
‘bureaucracy’ actually signifies. Albrow warns that he ‘does not aim to set up
a new theory of bureaucracy, nor even a new concept’, and refuses to take the
position of an arbitrator between the competing views, i.e., ‘…to label one or
other as “authoritative”’. Albrow reduces his task to one of giving an account
of the various views and theories of bureaucracy.
IMLR: I think the question of the definition of bureaucracy
involves a great deal of competing theories, at least from the non-Marxist
perspective. Are there different types of bureaucracies and did the early
Marxist movement theorise on the question of bureaucracy?
TC: In S. N.
Eisenstadt’s ‘Political Systems of Empires (1963) four types of bureaucracies
are given. (1) Service-orientated to the rulers and major social strata, (2)
Totally subservient to the ruler (3) autonomous and orientated to its own
advantage, (4) Self-orientated but also serving the people in general rather
than any specific strata. (Albrow; p. 96) These different models of
bureaucracies probably correspond to societies at different stage of political
development. Marx dealt with the question of bureaucracy not from the
administrative point of view but rather in general terms regarding its role in
society, and we see this in his
“Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Law”.
In this critique, Marx opposes the Hegelian view, which
represents bureaucracy as the universal class. Marx argues that bureaucracy
‘…was
based upon the modern division between state and civil society’. (In: David W. Lovell: From Marx
to Lenin; p.47)
Whereas for Hegel the bureaucracy embodied the general
interest, for Marx the bureaucracy represented a particular interest. The
bureaucracy ‘…would be abolished, and
real universality achieved, when the antithesis between state and civil society
was overcome, and when individuals ceased to separate the general interest from
themselves as something alien and over-arching’. (ibid. p.47) For Marx bureaucracy was an attribute
of the state and he argued that bureaucracy had the state in its possession.
Who controlled the bureaucracy therefore controlled the state. For Marx,
bureaucracy, like the state, could only possess any semblance of independence
where classes had not fully developed. In “The
German Ideology” Marx puts forward the thesis that
‘The
independence of the state is only found nowadays in those countries where
estates have not completely developed into classes…where consequently no
section of the population can achieve dominance over the others…’(ibid. p.47)
It seems that for Marx, the question of the structure of
bureaucracy was of secondary importance, which is understandable from the
Marxist perspective, which views the relation of production as ultimately
directing the superstructure of society. Since bureaucracy could only represent
particular interests, Marx looked for a universal class not at the level of
bureaucracy, but at the level of the proletariat. It was this class which
represented the universal interest. This raises important questions. If bureaucracy
represents particular interests and the working class is the embodiment of the
general interest, there must necessarily arise a conflict between the two.
However, in concrete experience things may not be as simple as this. In real
life, a bureaucracy may not be totally opposed to the general interest, and it
is hard to see how it could remain absolutely opposed to the general interest
and retain any form of legitimacy. Certainly, the typologies of the different
kinds of bureaucracies given by S. N. Eisenstadt, suggests there are
bureaucracies which while looking after their own interest, strive to serve the
general interests as well rather than a particular strata. The question
naturally arises about what happens to a bureaucracy in a society, which no
longer rests on private property. In a society undergoing a process of
socialist transformation, the bureaucracy would still control the state in an
administrative sense. Consequently, the question is reduced to who exercises
control over the bureaucracy. In other words, what political class controls the
bureaucracy? A socialist ‘bureaucracy’ would refer to a bureaucracy that serves
socialism and the new political ruling class, the proletariat. Albrow offers
the view that
‘The
idea of bureaucracy arose out of a concern for the proper place of the official
in modern government’.
(Albrow: Bureaucracy; p.106)
And 19th century writers on the
subject contrasted bureaucracy with democracy, because
‘They
discerned numerous ways in which the use and usage of public officials
subverted democratic values’. (ibid; p.106)
John Stuart Mill, a bourgeois political writer from the 19th
century, characterised bureaucracy as ‘a
practice which keeps the citizen in relation to government like that of
children to their guardian’. ( Mill: Principles of Political Economy, Vol. 2, Chapter 11; ‘Limits
of the province of Government’, p.528)
For Mill there was a sharp contradiction between
bureaucracy and representative democracy. The term ‘bureaucracy’ is applied to
several different situations: government by officials, public administration,
private administration, i.e., non-public bodies, the administration of any
organisation, rational organisation, i.e., administrative efficiency, or
non-rational organisation, i.e., administrative inefficiency. The meaning of
the term has constantly changed, while retaining a certain core identity.
Bureaucracy originally meant a method of rule. Later the term came to be
applied to the ruling group of officials itself. Albrow remarks that
‘Few
concepts in social science have undergone such a continual process of
fragmentation and transformation’. (Albrow: Bureaucracy; p.120)
The point which theorists on bureaucracy seem to be agreed
on is that the expansion of government stimulated the growth of bureaucracy.
The growth of the State with the industrial revolution, the growth in the
number of people employed by the public services. The increase in organisations
has led to an increase in the role of administration.
‘Society
now includes a distinct and recognisable group of managers and administrators
with similar job experience, interests and values’. (Albrow: p.121)
I think I have said enough to illustrate the complex and
contradictory nature of how the term bureaucracy is used. It is also important
to point out the difference between the term bureaucracy and bureaucrat. Not
everyone in a bureaucracy is a bureaucrat. The latter category is limited to
those in higher administrative level.
IMLR: Did Lenin provide a definition of the term ‘bureaucracy’, what it
signified?
TC: For Lenin,
bureaucracy was an aspect of the state power, a privileged institution
separated from the masses. This was certainly a prominent aspect of the Tsarist
bureaucracy. Obviously, this is a social definition of bureaucracy rather than
a functional description. The term ‘bureaucracy’ covers a wide range of ideas.
Lenin’s definition is useful because it touches on what most bureaucracies, at
the higher level, have in common, privilege and separation from the masses, although,
of course this does not exhaust the concept of bureaucracy in the manner in
which this term is used today.
IMLR: Lenin wanted
communists to fight against the evils of Soviet bureaucracy. Do you see any
common ground between Lenin and Trotsky’s later celebrated opposition to Soviet
bureaucracy?
TC: I have already
pointed out that for Lenin and Stalin, the fight against the evils of Soviet
bureaucracy was a long-term affair. This is another issue were Leninism and
Trotskyism are in opposition. Trotsky soon dropped the idea of the long-term
nature of the struggle against the evils of bureaucracy and went over to
advocating political revolution to deal with the problems associated with
Soviet bureaucracy. Trotsky’s opposition came to be more about getting his
faction back into power than it was about serious reflections on the problems
of Soviet bureaucracy. In order to justify his over hasty slogan of political
revolution, Trotsky needed to convince pro-Trotsky communists that the Soviet
bureaucracy was a counterrevolutionary force. But the Soviet bureaucracy
contained both revolutionary and counterrevolutionary elements. Therefore,
a category which dismissed the contradictory nature of the Soviet bureaucracy
was highly inappropriate. Marxist-Leninists do not deny that the Soviet
bureaucracy contained counterrevolution elements, which in fact explains the
numerous purges set in motion first by Lenin and then by Stalin. Trotsky’s
category of ‘a counterrevolutionary Soviet bureaucracy is erroneous because
such a category fails to takes into account the contradictory and heterogeneous
nature of the phenomena of Soviet bureaucracy, at all levels. In this
respect, it is interesting that Chase and Getty while not writing from a
Marxist-Leninist perspective remark that
‘…there
is much evidence to suggest that the 1935 Soviet bureaucracy was socially more
representative of its society, than, for example, that of Great Britain or
France’. (W. Chase and
J. Arch Getty: The Soviet Bureaucracy in 1935: A Socio-Political Profile; in:
Essays on Revolutionary Culture and Stalinism, p. 198)
IMLR: But Trotsky’s
argument was that a privileged caste of usurpers, which he called ‘the
bureaucracy’ had taken power and were running the society in their own
interest, in opposition to the interest of socialism and the working class.
Thus, Trotsky concluded they had to be overthrown by means of a political
revolution. How do you view this argument?
TC: Let me say
again that all states are run by a bureaucracy of some sort. I know of no
exception to this general picture. While this cannot be avoided in the short
term, Marxist-Leninists declare the need to oppose the negative sides of
bureaucracy. The negative sides of bureaucracy were very prominent in the
Soviet Union, as Lenin recognised. In 1921, Lenin refers to Osinsky as having
‘…frankly
become a defender of the worst kind of bureaucracy.’(V. I. Lenin: Vol. 36: p.556)
And he recognises, at the functional level, the need to
‘…drag
bureaucratic delays out into the daylight for the people’s judgement’. (Ibid. December, 1921)
Lenin argued at this stage that
‘…only
in this way shall we manage to really cure this disease’. (Ibid.)
In fact Lenin also wanted to put bureaucrats on Trial, and
remarked
‘We
don’t know how to conduct a public trial for rotten bureaucracy. For this all
of us, and particularly the People’s Commissariat for Justice, should be hung
by stinking ropes’.
(Op. cit. p.557)
Lenin suggested that those who are
‘…guilty
of red tape, negligence and connivance at bureaucracy’ (V. I. Lenin: Vol. 36; p.558)
should have inflicted on them
‘…a severe reprimand and public censure, with a warning that it is only for this first
time that we are inflicting such mild penalties, but in future will for such
behaviour send all such trade union and communists scoundrels (the court,
perhaps, will express itself more mildly) mercilessly to jail’. (Ibid. December 23, 1921)
If we look at the typology of bureaucracies mentioned above
I would argue that the Soviet bureaucracy conformed to those bureaucracies
which do not only serve its own interest, but strove to serve the interest of
society as a whole. All modern bureaucracies, I would argue, are of this
nature, in that they attempt to serve not only particular interests but also the
general interests, up to a certain point. To Say that the Soviet bureaucracy
only served its own interest, would be to ignore all the positive achievements
of the Soviet Union. Lenin did not hide the fact that certain privileges
granted to the bourgeois specialists in production or administration was a
necessary evil, a departure from communism, a concession forced on the
proletarian state, a retreat in other words, in exchange for the survival of
workers power. This departure from communism, unavoidable, in Lenin’s eyes, was
to reveal its dangerous side soon after Stalin died. But during the purges
ordered by Stalin, A. Nove tells us that
‘The elite suffered the most’. (A. Nove: Stalinism and After;
p.56)
And Nove remarks that
‘ Stalin was many things, but
surely not the expression of the narrow self-interest of the bureaucratic
elite. He feared their consolidation, and punished them without mercy’. (Nove: ibid. p.60)
Also, regarding the Soviet bureaucratic elite Nove
writes, ‘They were proportionately the principle victims of the great terror’. (ibid.)
Confirming this view, the British Foreign Office official,
Fitzroy MacLean, during his stay in the Soviet Union at the time, tells us that
‘Gaining
momentum as it went, the purge swept like a whirlwind through the Army, the
Navy, the Air Force, the Government, the Civil Service, the intelligentsia,
industry, even through the ranks of the dreaded Secret Police itself’. (Fitzroy MacLean: Eastern
Approaches; p.24)
It is clear from these and other similar passages that
Stalin took the struggle against Soviet bureaucracy beyond merely concern for
functional inefficiency and increasingly the class struggle aspect comes to the
fore. Those who employ Trotsky’s categories would have to confess that Stalin
waged war against the ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’.
IMLR: In Eisenstadt’s typology of bureaucracy, you suggest
that the Soviet bureaucracy conforms closer to category number 4, i.e., a
bureaucracy which is self-orientated, but also serving the people in general, rather
than a specific strata. In this case, how did the Soviet bureaucracy serve the
general interest?
TC: The purpose of
bureaucracy is administration, a bureaucracy has to be directed, whether it has
a privileged stratum in it or not. In the case of the Soviet Union, we need to
ask ourselves: what was the real interest of the working class after the
Bolsheviks came to power. Obviously, the real interest of the masses was to
produce the material conditions to make a transition to socialism possible and
simultaneously to create the means to defend working class political power.
Indeed, by the late 1920s it became urgent for the Soviet Union to
industrialise as rapidly as possible. In a speech in 1931, Stalin told his
audience
‘We
are fifty or a hundred years behind the advanced countries. We must make good
this distance in ten years or we shall go under’. (Quoted in Nove: ibid. p.72)
It is obvious that the modernisation drive in the Soviet
Union dictated everything else. This was in the long-term interest of the
working class. I will argue that the Soviet leadership, under the guidance of
Stalin and his collaborators acted in the interest of the working class, and
strove to make the bureaucracy act in this interest also. Therefore, contrary
to the claims of Trotskyism, it was not the interest of some abstract
‘counterrevolutionary Soviet bureaucracy’ that determined the policy of the
Soviet Union in the Stalin period, but the interest of socialism and the
working class. True, the interest of a privileged stratum did come to play an
increasing role, but this was in the revisionist period after the
Marxist-Leninists had been forced out of the leadership, under the guise of the
struggle against ‘Stalinism’. But what is Stalinism? If this term has any
ideological significance, it can only mean ‘socialism
preparing to defend itself under conditions of imperialist encirclement’.
IMLR: Can you elaborate on this latter point which many may regard as a
new insight?
TC: I would not go
so far as to say it was a new insight. What I mean is that the bourgeoisie and
their left reflection use the term ‘Stalinism’ to mean something repugnant.
However, the term, if it means anything ideologically has to be associated with
the idea of a backward country, which was fifty, or one hundred years behind
the advanced countries, forced to industrialise in record time, while
surrounded by potential imperialist aggressors, which became actual, while
dealing with internal and external conspiracies.
IMLR: So you are
saying that when some people on the left condemn ‘Stalinism’, they simply
expose that they are serving the bourgeois counterrevolution through promoting
disunity in the communist movement?
TC: Yes, you are
right because Marxists have to make not only a subjective but also an objective
appraisal of a particular trend, or movement. This can only be done
historically and dialectically. The historical approach means we study the
evolution of a trend, from its genesis. The dialectical approach means we do
not study it in isolation, but in its connection to other trends and
circumstances, in a many-sided manner. This leads to the fatal conclusion that
the role of Trotskyism was to foster disunity in the Soviet Union, which would
serve the purpose of counterrevolution. This is the inevitable role of
petty-bourgeois trends; to foster disunity in the communist movement.
IMLR: So you reject
the Trotskyist argument that a privileged caste had taken power in the Soviet
Union?
TC: When Lenin was
in the leadership and Trotsky was also playing a leading role, there were
privileged officials and bureaucrats. Lenin referred to them as ‘bureaucratic
grandees’, or ‘pampered grandees’, see volume 32; page 132, also page 140. I
looked up the word ‘pampered’ in my dictionary and it means to: over-indulge,
spoil person with luxury. Yet although there was this privileged stratum,
pampered to use Lenin’s own term, no one in the leadership, including Trotsky
suggested that they had taken power. But as soon as Trotsky loses power this
privileged caste, or pampered, bureaucratic grandees, to use Lenin’s words, had
suddenly taken power to become the new ruling caste. Trotsky’s failure to
condemn this privileged caste when he was in power speaks volumes, but we are
told by Nove that during the Stalin purges ‘The
elite suffered the most’.
Does this suggest to you that these people had taken power in the Stalin
period? The truth is that there was a constant struggle between the party
leadership and what Lenin referred to as the ‘bureaucratic grandees’. So to imply that the question of power had been resolved in favour of
the bureaucratic grandees in the period of Stalin’s leadership is to turn
reality on its head, which seems to be a favourite pastime of Trotskyists. As
for the system of granting privileges to leading key personnel, Trotsky
pioneered this during his time in the Red Army, which I mentioned before. This
was regarded as a necessity. Trotsky never even raised the possibility that by
virtue of these privileges the army leadership would go over to
counterrevolution. Lenin being the supreme realist recognised that this was a
retreat, a backward step from the principles of communism, a price the
proletarian dictatorship had to pay in return for remaining in power.
IMLR: Lenin pointed
out that the state apparatus was taken over from Tsarism and ‘…and
slightly anointed with Soviet oil’. What does this suggest to you?
TC: When Lenin made
this remark he obviously meant that the state apparatus, the bureaucracy, was
still in essence the old Tsarist bureaucracy containing a communist minority.
The Bolsheviks having come to power and formed a government, the Bolsheviks had
no option but to use the old Tsarist bureaucracy, which re-emerged after the
collapse of the Tsarist State. It was anointed with Soviet oil, so to speak,
but in many respects, it remained the old Tsarist bureaucracy. This explains
the frequent purges of the Soviet State apparatus and the party, because many
of these elements joined the latter, after deciding that the Bolsheviks were on
the winning side. Lenin referred to this state of affairs as workers’ state
with bureaucratic distortions. He noted
‘…we
took over the old machinery of state from the tsar and the bourgeoisie and that
now, with the onset of peace and the satisfaction of the minimum requirements
against famine, all our work must be directed towards improving the
administrative machinery’.
(V. I. Lenin: Vol. 36; p.597; December 26, 1922)
For Lenin the struggle against bureaucracy, to improve the
state apparatus depended to a high degree on
‘…selection
of people and checking fulfilment. This is the essential point’. (V. I. Lenin: Letter to A.D.
Tsyrupa, in: Vol. 36; p.55)
Also, Lenin argued that in the struggle against bureaucracy
the most important thing was to
‘…shift
the centre of gravity to checking up on effective fulfilment’. (CW. Vol. 35;p.542)
And he noted that
‘…Communists
have become bureaucrats. If anything will destroy us, it is this’. (Op. cit. p.549; February 22,
1922)
Stalin held to Lenin’s views regarding the Soviet State
apparatus, remarking
‘Regarding
the class nature of our state, Lenin, as I have already mentioned, gives a most
precise formula, permitting of no misinterpretations, namely, a workers’ state
with bureaucratic distortions in a country with a predominantly peasant
population. That is clear I think’. (J. V. Stalin: The Bolshevik; No. 6, March 15, 1927)
So, Lenin and Stalin recognised that the Soviet State was
bureaucratically distorted, because of the Tsarist heritage and because of
transferring military methods of the civil war period over to the civilian
sphere. A leading proponent of this tendency in the 1920-21 period was non
other than the Trotskyists who advocated a fascist policy of suppressing the
independence of the trade unions instead of giving them political leadership.
The factional struggle between Marxism-Leninism and Trotskyism on this issue
was so intense that it almost split the Soviet Communist Party. Unlike Trotsky,
both Lenin and Stalin regarded the defeat of the evils of bureaucracy to be a
long term problem, not amenable to short term political stunts, a view Trotsky
previously held but later rejected in favour of his political revolution
slogan.
In the post-Lenin period, Stalin was clear about the nature
of the Soviet State apparatus. In his organisational report to the Twelfth
Congress, he remarked that
‘…some
of the officials in the state apparatus are bad, they are not our men’. (J. V. Stalin: Vol. 5; p.209)
In other words, there were definitely elements in the Soviet
bureaucracy alien to socialism and Stalin noted that
‘The
state apparatus is of the right type, but its component parts are still alien
to us, bureaucrats, half tsarist-bourgeois’. (Op. Cit. p.210)
And, furthermore he argued
‘We
want to have a state apparatus that will be a means of serving the mass of the
people, but some persons in this state apparatus want to convert it into a
source of gains for themselves'. (J. V. Stalin: Vol. 5; p. 210)
For Stalin this situation
‘…is
why the apparatus as a whole is not working properly’. (ibid: p.210)
Stalin did not regard the problem of bureaucracy in
isolation from political questions. There would, in his view, be political
consequences if a struggle against the negative side of the Soviet State
apparatus were not undertaken. Without politicising the issue of bureaucracy,
i.e., regarding the issue only in political terms, Stalin saw that serious
consequences would follow, because
‘If
we fail to repair it, the correct political line by itself will not carry us
far; it will be distorted, and there will be a rupture between the working
class and the peasantry’.
(J. V. Stalin: ibid. p.210)
And like Lenin, Stalin wanted to
avoid the danger whereby
‘We
shall have a situation in which, although we shall be at the steering wheel,
the car will not obey’. (ibid.
p.210)
If this were not avoided, ‘There would be a crash’. (ibid. p.210)
Stalin noted that this was why Lenin had called for a
reorganisation of the Workers and Peasants’ Inspection,
‘…in
such a way that the reorganised inspection apparatus should be transformed into
a device for re-arranging all the parts of the car, for re-placing the old
useless parts with new ones, which must be done if we really want the car to go
in the right direction’.
(J. V. Stalin: Vol. 5; p.210)
For Stalin this was the
‘…essence
of Comrade Lenin’s proposal’. (ibid. p.210)
However, Stalin did not seek to improve the functioning of
the apparatus as an end in itself. There was a social dimension to this problem
as well. Lenin’s aim, Stalin argued, was to create a situation whereby
‘…there
should not be left in the country a single official, no matter how highly
placed, concerning whom the ordinary man might say: he is above the law’. (J. V. Stalin: Vol. 5; p.212)
Thus, Stalin supported Lenin’s
proposal for the reorganisation of Rabkrin because
‘…it
is precisely this proposal that sets the task of purging not only the state
apparatus, but also the party, of those traditions and habits of the
domineering bureaucrats which discredit our party’. (ibid. p.212)
IMLR: Let me stop
you here. The question I want to ask is: was Stalin as critical of the Soviet
State apparatus, the bureaucracy, to the same degree as Lenin, or did he ever
attempt to tone down Lenin’s criticism?
TC: The textual
evidence available to us demonstrate, without any room for disagreement, that
Stalin never toned down Lenin’s criticism of the Soviet state apparatus and its
bureaucratic distortion. In fact, it is arguable whether Stalin went further in
his strictures. For instance at one point Stalin angrily remarked that
‘…it
was clear to us that as regard its composition, habits and traditions our state
apparatus is no good, and that this threatened to cause a rupture between the
workers and peasants, then it is clear that the party’s leading role must find
expression not only in the issue of directives, but also in the appointment to
certain posts of people who are capable of carrying them out honestly’.
(J. V. Stalin: Vol. 5; p. 213)
And Stalin also recognised the danger of the bureaucracy
promoting Great Russian national chauvinism, and he suggested that
‘We
must make a sharp turn towards combating the new chauvinist sentiments and
pillory those bureaucrats in our institutions and those party comrades who forgetting
what we gained in October, namely the confidence of the formerly oppressed
people, a confidence that we must cherish’. (J. V. Stalin: Vol. 5; p. 252)
Stalin called for a determined struggle against the
negative aspects of Soviet bureaucracy, and he argued that
‘…our
state apparatus, which is bureaucratic to a considerable degree, exerts a
certain amount of pressure on the Party and the Party workers’. (J. V. Stalin: Vol. 5; p. 368)
IMLR: How did
Stalin view the struggle against bureaucracy, by which I mean its negative
side; for instance, to what extent did he see this struggle as one against
red-tape, routinism, bad practices and so on, or did he view this struggle as
one against a definite social caste which had to be fought?
TC: I think the record
speaks for itself. In the period of Lenin what came to the fore in the struggle
against bureaucracy was a struggle against features of bureaucracy such as red
tape, inefficiency etc, the class struggle aspect, although present, remained
in the background. What the record reveals is that Stalin had a dual approach
in the anti-bureaucratic struggle in the Soviet Union. On the one side, this
struggle was against red-tapism, inefficiency and so on, but on the other side
this struggle was directed against certain elements in the bureaucracy as a
group, or caste. Here it is necessary to explain, again, that the difference
between Marxism-Leninism and Trotskyism is that while the Trotskyists
referred to the need to struggle against the counterrevolutionary Soviet/Stalinist
bureaucracy, for the Marxist-Leninists, the need was to struggle against the
counterrevolutionary elements ‘within’ the Soviet bureaucracy. The Trotskyists advocated a struggle to overthrow the Soviet
bureaucracy, but Marxist-Leninists sought to fight, unmask, and purge the
counterrevolutionary elements within
the Soviet bureaucracy. Trotsky’s view and strategy was obviously not the
correct position, while the policy pursued by Stalin was not aimed
anarchistically at overthrowing the bureaucracy, but purging the anti-socialist
elements from within it. This was the Leninist policy. On the other hand, the
policy pursued by Trotsky would have opened the door to counterrevolution.
IMLR: You say that
Stalin recognised there was a caste in the Soviet bureaucracy, which had to be
fought, how far did he go in fighting it.
TC: Well, when Lenin spoke of the ‘pampered’ bureaucratic
grandees he was referring to the existence of a privilege caste in the
bureaucracy. Stalin’s position was the same as Lenin’s. In a conversation with
his daughter, Svetlana, Stalin made remarks about a ‘damned caste’, thus Stalin
was always aware of the potential counterrevolutionary tendencies of elements
that made up this caste. Consequently, when we refer to Stalin Against the Soviet Bureaucracy we are specifically referring
to a struggle against those elements in the State and Party who represented a
potential counterrevolutionary threat. I think that Stalin went as far as
circumstances would allow him to go. There are commentators who imply that
Stalin took the struggle against bureaucracy too far, almost to the point of
destroying the administrative apparatus, but such a view is refuted by Stalin
himself, who had to restrain the more hot-headed elements amongst the anti-bureaucracy
radicals, thus he warned in his report to the Central Committee, December 3,
1927, that regarding
‘The
state apparatus and the struggle against bureaucracy. So much is being said
about bureaucracy that there is no need to dilate on it. That elements of
bureaucracy exist in our state, co-operative and Party apparatus, there can be
no doubt. That it is necessary to combat the elements of bureaucracy, and that
this task will confront us all the time, as long as we have state power, as
long as the state exists, is also a fact…But one must know how far one can go.
To carry the struggle against bureaucracy in the state apparatus to the point
of destroying the state apparatus, of discrediting the state apparatus, of
attempts to break it up-means going against Leninism…’(J. V. Stalin: Op. cit. p.327)
Events showed that this struggle, by Stalin, against
bureaucratic inefficiency merged with a political struggle against elements
within the bureaucracy consolidating itself as a caste.
IMLR: Trotsky not only
referred to the Soviet bureaucracy, but also to the ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’.
Are these one and the same concepts, or are they different?
TC: I think that in
the Trotskyist interpretation of the Soviet Union, ‘Soviet bureaucracy’ and
‘Stalinist bureaucracy’ are basically identical. I have found no textual
evidence in the writings of Trotsky or pro-Trotsky writers, which would suggest
that they used these concepts to mean different things. However, in the view of
Marxist-Leninists while the category ‘Soviet bureaucracy’ is a valid concept,
to speak of a specifically ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’ is devoid of any real
concrete content. To uphold the concept of the ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’, Trotsky
has to give it an ideology, which he claims is ‘socialism in one country’, but
because it was Lenin who first wrote regarding the possibility of socialism in
one country as part of the world revolutionary process, a specifically
‘Stalinist bureaucracy’ cannot be identified by such ideological means.
IMLR: This may be plain
to some people, nevertheless the term ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’ is a central
category in post-Lenin Trotskyism. Why do Marxist-Leninists oppose this term;
can you elaborate on this point?
TC:
Marxist-Leninists reject the idea of a ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’ for the
simple reason that there was no such thing. The notion of a ‘Stalinist
bureaucracy’ is a purely Trotskyist conception, invented for factional
purposes. We know what is meant by the term Soviet bureaucracy, but ‘Stalinist
bureaucracy’ has no real meaning, except in the imagination of Trotskyists and
bourgeois writers. Stalin, of course, had his supporters in the Communist Party
and in the State, but why speak of a Stalinist bureaucracy in this context?
Trotsky’s notion of a ‘political revolution’ to replace the Stalinist
bureaucracy itself is an intriguing idea. What does this actually mean in
concrete terms-as opposed to an abstract proposal? Where does Trotsky’s
Stalinist bureaucracy begin and where does it end? Does the concept of
overthrowing the ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’ of Trotskyist lore simply refer to
removing Stalin’s supporters, or appointees in the State and Party apparatus.
How was this to be determined beyond a narrow limit? In other words, who were
the genuine political ‘Stalinists’, according to Trotsky, that is the actual,
active supporters of Stalin? What qualified one as a Stalinist in Trotsky’s
view? Was qualification dependent on exclusively political considerations, or
were other determinants to be included? There is a joke about a Kremlin clerk
who on April fools day decided to send around government offices a message to
the effect that Trotsky had pulled off a military coup and was now marching on
the Kremlin with a detachment of the Red Army. The bureaucrats immediately ordered
that pictures of Stalin be taken down and be replaced by pictures of Trotsky. I
think that this joke sums up the point I am trying to make about Trotsky’s
notion of a ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’.
IMLR: What you seem
to be arguing is that Trotsky’s notion of a Stalinist bureaucracy is
superficial and his call to overthrow the ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’ amounted to a
call to remove Stalin’s supporters from power.
TC: If Trotsky’s
call has any meaning at all in practical terms, this is what it would have
amounted to. If, for argument sake, we accepted the Trotskyist thesis about the
existence of a specifically ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’, then it would be necessary
to argue that this bureaucracy did not survive Stalin for long. In other words
when the Soviet revisionists took over they began a systematic purge of known
supporters of Stalin, from the top leadership down to regional secretaries and
below. ‘Stalinists’, by which I mean only pro-Stalin communists, were removed
from Party and State offices. It is a fact of history that the new revisionist
regime consolidated itself on a programme of ‘de-Stalinization’. Thus
Trotsky’s ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’ would
have to be regarded has having been overthrown by the Soviet revisionists, led
at first by Khrushchev. Under the latter, even Stalin’s published work were no
longer publicly available. Ignoring these monumental changes the Trotskyists
continued to refer to the Soviet bureaucracy as the ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’,
although known supporters of Stalin had been removed from the central, regional
and local party and state apparatuses, from all leadership structures.
IMLR: If the
supporters of Stalin had been removed from the state and party apparatus, why
did the Trotskyists continue to speak of the Soviet apparatus as the Stalinist
bureaucracy?
TC: This was out of
a combination of pseudo-leftism, i.e., ultra-leftism and opportunism.
Trotskyism rarely starts from a concrete analysis of a given situation, so
concrete changes have little or only secondary meaning for Trotskyism: a state
apparatus, which had purged the supporters of Stalin, still remained for the
Trotskyists, ‘Stalinist’. The new revisionist leaders rose to power by
condemning Stalin, but for the Trotskyists they stilled remained Stalinists,
although they proposed and pursued different economic and political objectives
which deviated from socialism and eventually led to the downfall of the Soviet
Union. Opportunistically it was also convenient for the Trotskyist to
continuing calling the revisionists ‘Stalinist’, so that they could blame
everything that went wrong on the ‘Stalinists’, this, in spite of the fact that
the Khrushchevite revisionist had long suppressed Stalin’s works in the Soviet
Union.
IMLR: If the
pseudo-lefts had known the extent to which supporters of Stalin had been
removed from power in the Soviet Union, do you think it would have been so easy
for them to continue referring to the new leadership and apparatus as
‘Stalinist’?
TC: Well, I do not
think it would have made any difference, firstly because it is in the nature of
ultra-leftism to ignore concrete conditions and changes. By its very nature,
Trotskyist pseudo-leftism is unable to distinguish between revisionism and
Marxism-Leninism as far as the Soviet Union is concerned. The people who led
the Soviet Union in the period following Stalin’s death were not
Marxist-Leninists, but revisionists. They even disinterred Stalin from his
burial place beside Lenin, renamed the celebrated city of Stalingrad, where the
Nazis were stopped on the their march to world domination. Yet, although the
Soviet revisionist renamed this most famous memorial to anti-fascism, the
Trotskyists still continue to refer to those revisionists who oppose Stalin as
Stalinists.
IMLR: That’s clear
enough. If we ignore the term ‘bureaucracy’, you are saying the revisionists
overthrew the Stalinists in the Soviet Union, by which I mean the supporters of
Stalin. Am I correct?
TC: Well, ignoring
the term ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’, yes the revisionists overthrew the supporters
of Stalin in the Soviet Union. These cadres formed the main elements that
defended Marxist-Leninists principles in the Soviet Communist Party, so when
they were defeated, Marxism-Leninism was defeated and replaced by revisionism.
If you defend Trotskyist ideology and use the concept of ‘Stalinist
bureaucracy’, the result is the same because it would be necessary to conclude
that the so-called ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’ had been overthrown by the Soviet
revisionists during the period of the anti-Stalin purges.
IMLR: So, if what
Trotsky called the ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’ was simply referring to supporters
of Stalin, who were likely to be supporters of Stalin?
TC: Obviously
people who agreed with Stalin’s position. The Trotskyist line that Stalin
elicited mainly bureaucratic support simply does not hold water. We are talking
about conviction politics. If Stalin’s political line was not credible, nothing
could have save him from defeat, regardless of any power of appointment he had.
Those who say that Stalin won an organisational victory over his opponent, or
that his success was due to his organisational mastery do not know what they
are talking about, because they raise the organisational aspect over the
political aspect. The truth is, people line up according to their political
views, not according to who has organisational mastery.
IMLR: What are your
views about Trotsky’s argument that Stalin was raised to power by the Soviet
bureaucracy because he served its interests?
TC: I think this
argument is connected to the view, which sees the ascendancy of Stalin in
mainly organisational terms. The amazing claim that the Soviet bureaucracy
raised Stalin to power is the political essence of post-Lenin Trotskyism. But
when we examine the facts they simply fail to corroborate this Trotskyist
theory, and thus we are driven to another conclusion: Stalin was raised to
power because he had what was perceived to be the correct general political
line, or at least the most persuasive, which gave him the advantage over the
other rival political lines. Consequently, he won over the support of both
workers and some officials. The Trotskyist view that Stalin won out because he
attracted the support of the bureaucrats at the expense of the proletarian and
peasant masses is simply not supported by the facts. What the facts do is to
tell a different story. Contrary to the view promoted by his Trotskyist
critics, Stalin, in large measure, rose to power in opposition to many of
the state and party bureaucrats. In any case, Stalin’s views on the
bureaucrats certainly did not recommend him as their favoured candidate.
IMLR: This is the
diametrical opposite of the Trotskyist view. How do you back it up; what
evidence would you present to support your argument?
TC: Yes, this argument
is certainly the reversal of the view presented by pro-Trotsky writers and
theorists. Trotsky’s assertion that somehow Stalin came to power because of the
support he received from the Soviet bureaucracy is an argument resulting from
gross historical falsification of the facts. This view is contradicted by the
all the salient evidence. The available evidence supports the Marxist-Leninist
view and not the Trotskyist view. As I said previously, the record speaks for
itself. I have pointed out that the Trotskyist view is even today being refuted
by the more serious bourgeois scholarly research, by people who cannot in any
way be called pro-Stalin. The Marxist-Leninist view that Stalin rose to power
in a struggle against many sections of the Soviet bureaucracy is now becoming
the accepted view. The Trotskyist view that Stalin came to power because of the
overwhelming support he received from the Soviet bureaucracy is being deserted
by all the serious academic scholars. Remember these people are not pro-Stalin
writers and some even share Trotskyist assumptions, but they cannot ignore the
weight of evidence, which their researches bring to light. Take Getty, for
instance, he seems to subscribe to Trotsky’s theory that ‘Stalin is the
personification of the bureaucracy and that is the essence of his political
personality’. But the facts push Getty in a direction which contradicts the
above theory propounded by Trotsky, thus Getty is forced to conclude that
‘The
evidence suggests that the Ezhovshchina, which is what most people mean by the
“great purge”, should be redefined. It was not the result of a petrified
bureaucracy stamping out dissent and annihilating old radical revolutionaries.
In fact, it may have been just the opposite. It is not inconsistent with the
evidence to argue that the Ezhovshchina was rather a radical, even hysterical,
reaction to bureaucracy’.
(J. Arch. Getty in: Origins of The Great Purges- The Soviet Communist Party
Reconsidered, 1933-1938; p. 206)
This supports A. Nove who suggested that the main target of
the Stalin purges was the bureaucratic elite. Trotsky’s theory that the Stalin
purges resulted from a conservative bureaucracy seeking to defend its privilege
was an interpretation which suited him in his opposition to Stalin, but whether
it was true or not was always another question. Trotsky’s interpretation gained
wide currency because of the anti-Stalin orientation of the political
intelligentsia. The old axiom, beloved by Goebbels, that if you repeat a lie
often enough people will believe it was obviously at work here. Against all the
evidence, Trotskyism was able to convince a substantial segment of the
political intelligentsia that ‘Stalinism’ was about defending bureaucratic
privileges. So while serious bourgeois academic research confirms the
Marxist-Leninist position that the Stalin purges were directed against the
bureaucratic element, we have such gems from Tariq Ali who argues that
‘Stalin
had understood even during Lenin’s lifetime that Trotsky would pose a threat to
bureaucratic hegemony’.
(Tariq Ali: The Stalinist Legacy; p. 11)
I don’t want to labour this point, but the image of
Trotsky, the anti-bureaucrat, cultivated by Trotsky himself and his supporters,
was a campaigning ploy to win support from the young and politically
uninformed; it should be taken with a pinch of salt, coming from someone
who, ‘during Lenin’s lifetime’
advocated a policy of suppressing the independence of the trade unions and the
militarisation of labour.
When Trotsky was busy writing his ‘Revolution Betrayed’
(1936) the Soviet Union was on the eve of the great anti-bureaucrat purge, and
Trotsky’s theory of a counterrevolutionary Soviet bureaucracy was about to bite
the dust, thus even the pro-Trotsky writer, Isaac Deutscher argues that
‘It
was one of the effects of the purges that they prevented the managerial groups
from consolidating as a social stratum’. (I. Deutscher: The Prophet Outcast; p. 306)
We are given a clear insight on
what the Stalin purges were about by Getty and Naumov, who write
‘In
1937 Stalin openly mobilised the “party masses” against the nomenklatura as a
whole; this provided an important strand in the Great Terror’s destruction of
the elite’. (J. Arch.
Getty, Oleg V. Naumov: The Road to Terror; Introduction; p.14)
Stalin was however, faced with the same contradiction which
the early Bolshevik leaders in Lenin’s period was faced with; this was
containing these elements while using their skills to build socialism, thus we
read that Stalin
‘…wanted
to reduce the authority of certain elite groups. Yet the regime needed these
elites to maintain power and run the country’. (ibid. p. 14)
And, ‘At one point
Stalin would attempt to co-op anti-bureaucratic sentiments of the party
rank-and-file and the public as weapons against parts of the elite’. (ibid. p.14)
None of these writers writes from a Marxist-Leninist
perspective, but the force of evidence compels them to reject the Trotskyist
theory concerning Stalin’s relationship vis-à-vis the Soviet bureaucracy.
Marxist-Leninists are not interested in their political
views and conclusions, but only in the facts they are presenting. One of the
Targets of the 1933 purges were to be
‘…bureaucratic
elements who, isolated from the masses and scorning the material and spiritual
needs of the workers and peasants, exploit their presence in the party and
official position in the Soviet State for their own personal, self-seeking
ends.’ (ibid. 127)
The 1933 Chistka, i.e., purges,
affected various groups
‘The
largest single groups expelled were “passive” members: those carried on the
rolls but not participating in party work. Next came violators of party
discipline, bureaucrats, corrupt officials, and those who had hidden past
crimes’ (ibid. p. 127)
And we are told that
‘Stalin
himself characterised the purge as a measure against bureaucratism, red-tape,
degenerates, and careerists, to raise the level of organisational leadership’. ( ibid. p.127)
Regardless of the political distortions and confusions in
these academic researches the facts they present are undeniable to the
unprejudiced eye: The Trotskyist image of a cosy relation between the Soviet
Bureaucracy and Stalin, with each promoting each other, is a fiction, a fairy
story concocted by Trotsky for factional purposes, or out of ignorance.
We are told that Ordzhonikidze remarked that it is a clear
sign of bureaucratism, when a high official or bureaucrat feels himself so cut
off from the masses. (Getty: ibid. Document 90; p.294)
Getty remarks that
‘…the
new political transcript from the top represented the beginning of Stalin’s
offence against the nomenklatura’. (Op. cit. 333)
The basis of Stalin Against the Soviet bureaucracy
can be glimpsed through Lenin’s remark about the ‘class struggle taking place
in our state and party offices. This was an on-going process, inevitable to one
degree or another in a backward country under socialist transformation, but for
Trotskyists, in the period of Stalin, the Soviet bureaucracy had already
transformed itself into a new ruling caste, alien to socialism. While
recognising the existence of this caste the view that it was ruling in the
Stalin period, contradicts the reality.
Getty, who is not a pro-Stalin
writer, uses the word ‘pose’ in relation to Stalin and other central leaders.
‘For
Stalin and other central leaders it made good political capital to pose as
defenders of the rank-and-file against the depredations of the evil boyars’. (op. cit. p.359)
But this political distortion is
contradicted by the view that
‘When
“checking” was done by central, rather than territorial, authorities, the
attrition was heavier at the top than at the bottom’. (Op. cit. p. 360)
Furthermore, we are told that
‘The
regional bosses were taken to task for bureaucratism, suppression of criticism,
undemocratic practices, and paying too much attention to economic matters’. (Op. cit. p.437)
For Getty and Naumov, the term ‘Great Terror’ was ‘another
inexact shorthand for disparate events of that decade’. (Op. cit. p.492)
In fact, the term ‘Great Terror’ is
a bourgeois appellation. However, we are told that
‘This dynamic between Stalin and the nomenklatura was
not a simple one’.
(Op. cit. p. 494)
And consequently the position was
one whereby
‘For
Stalin to attack the nomenklatura head-on risked discrediting the entire
regime: The nomenklatura was the Bolshevik Party, and to smash it-as he did in
1937-risked smashing the legitimacy of Bolshevik rule’. (Op. cit. 494)
We can disregard Getty’s position that the nomenklatura was
the Bolshevik Party, what is revealed here is how far Stalin and his supporters
in the leadership was prepared to take the anti-bureaucratic struggle. What
Getty and Naumov present is a picture of the leadership caught between the
elite, i.e., the ‘nomenklatura’ and the party rank-and-file representing the
masses.
IMLR: Are you
saying the picture presented is one where the leadership was caught between the
elite and the anti-bureaucratic masses, and took the side of the latter?
TC: This is a
picture which does emerge. For instance Getty takes the view that the central
leadership could not be seen to give unconditional support to the nomenklatura
because this would
‘…risked
discrediting the regime by endorsing elite pretensions and thereby alienating
the rank-and-file party membership and ordinary citizens who were the target of
the secretaries control and arbitrary rule’. (Getty: op. cit. p.494)
But the contradictions in the purges soon began to assert
itself. ‘The Moscow leadership realised
that it could not govern without the nomenklatura’. (Op. cit. p. 496)
What Stalin was against, and one of the factors
contributing to the 1930 purges was fear of the elite’s consolidation because
Stalin,
for his part, could not have found much pleasure in this elite consolidation’. (Op. cit. p.572)
Thus ‘Everything came apart in
1937’. (ibid. p.572)
Getty argues that Stalin turned against the elite after
failure to bring it under control. Although this view is too one-sided, we can
assume it contained a grain of truth.
‘After
a series of failed attempts to control the nomenklatura elite and bend them to
his will, Stalin turned against the elite, that elite turned against itself,
and both struck out at a variety of “enemies” in the country’. (ibid. p.572)
Getty and Naumov’s ‘Road to Terror’ relates the purges to
the unstable situation which the Soviet Union found itself in by 1932. This led
to the apogee of Stalin Against the Soviet Bureaucracy. Getty argues
that
‘The
growing self-affirmation and group identity of the nomenklatura was a problem
for Stalin’. (Op. cit.
p. 577)
In other words, Stalin regarded a bureaucratic caste
consolidating itself as a threat. For Getty, the contradiction between Stalin
and the elite began around 1934. Although this view is most certainly incorrect
in that the contradiction preceded 1934, it does refute the Trotskyist
fictional view, which pictures Stalin as nothing but a servant of the Soviet
bureaucracy. Thus, we are told that
‘There
were hints as early as 1934 that the interests of Stalin and the senior elite
had began to diverge’. (
ibid. p. 577)
In Getty’s view, Stalin assisted
the destruction of the elite
‘The
result of his insistence on control of the nomenklatura and the failure of
previous efforts was that Stalin assisted the suicide of the party elite in
1937-1938’. (Op. cit.
p.578)
The fictitious Trotskyist view that
Stalin was a servant of a counterrevolutionary bureaucracy cannot be exposed
anymore clearly. According to Getty, Stalin’s position arose because
‘…the
heritage of Bolshevik revolutionary voluntarism made them fear a bureaucratic
class outside party control’. (ibid. 584)
Although Getty does not explain what ‘Bolshevik
revolutionary voluntarism’ has to do with the matter, it does further undermine
the fictional account offered by Trotskyism concerning Stalin’s relationship to
the Soviet bureaucracy. In addition, we are told that
‘Stalin
and his circle used (or threatened to use) a number of tools to prevent the
solidification of an independent bureaucratic class, including membership
screening, extra-legal party interventions, and terror’. (Op. cit. 585)
This is a far cry from the simplistic Trotskyist thesis
that in the Soviet Union the bureaucracy had already taken power under the
figurehead, of all people, Stalin! The evidence offered up by Getty and Naumov
lead to the inevitable collapse of the pro-Trotsky position. In Getty’s view
‘As
long as Stalin lived-and to a lesser extent, as long as his closest lieutenants
remained in power-the state could not “normalise”. As a result, the
nomenklatura bureaucracy could not finally consolidate its hold on power’. (ibid. p. 585)
But from what Getty has already argued, a relevant question
would be to ask whether the bureaucratic elite elements had any hold on power
at all, in a political sense. In fact, the evidence suggests that in the
period of Stalin, the Soviet bureaucracy, contrary to the claims of Trotskyism,
had no political power as such, their power was limited to administration.
However, things were to change following the Stalin period, because
‘After Stalin’s death in 1953, however, the
bureaucracy was gradually freed’. (ibid. p.585)
Getty suggest implicitly that even during the first stage
of revisionist leadership in the Soviet Union, that is to say in the period of
Khrushchev, the Soviet Bureaucratic elite had not completely freed itself.
While this point would be debatable in Marxist-Leninist circles, it is
nevertheless an interesting point. It exposes the erroneousness and simplicity
of the Trotskyist view that from the late 1920s or early 1930s the Soviet
bureaucracy had already freed itself from control. Getty argues that
‘The
fall of Khrushchev in 1964 was another significant landmark in the
nomenklatura’s freeing itself from Bolshevik political control and the power of
a single leader’.
(ibid. p.585)
It is clear that the central contradiction faced by Stalin,
was to prevent the bureaucracy, or its elite stratum from becoming a ruling
class or caste in its own right on the one hand, and on the other, utilising
its services for the maintenance of the state and the promotion of socialism.
In any case, in the first stage of the transition to socialism some kind of
nomenklatura would be inevitable. Any
ruling class would be compelled to operate some similar system; i.e. a list of
positions which only “reliable members of the ruling class are appointed. The
above passage from Getty implies that even in the period of revisionism, the
bureaucrats had not completely freed themselves from party control. Getty
further remarks that
‘Although
Stalin managed to destroy the elite of the 1930s, he did not or could not
destroy the nomenklatura as a component of the regime’. (Op. cit. p.586)
The facts show that although Stalin devoted a substantial
part of his time in the leadership to struggling against the negative effects
of bureaucracy, including the fight against the top bureaucratic layer into a
ruling caste or class, he is nevertheless presented by Trotskyists and
revisionists as the promoter of bureaucracy, for instance the revisionist
Togliatti suggested that
‘It
seems to us that undoubtedly Stalin’s errors were tied in with an excessive
increase in the bureaucratic apparatus in Soviet economic and political life’. (The Togliatti Interview, June 16th
1956; The Anti-Stalin Campaign, etc; p. 121)
Such remarks fly in the face of reality, and probably
reflect the influence of Trotskyism on the revisionist critique of Stalin. In
fact, the central leadership and the rank-and-file exhibited a significant
unity in their battle with bureaucracy. For instance, Getty writes that
‘…the
central leadership was not the only group complaining about the stagnation and
breakdown of the bureaucracy. Grass-root members, the party rank-and-file, also
took up the attack on bureaucracy, partly at the instigation of the centre’ (Getty: The origins of the Great
Purge pp. 27-28)
IMLR: From what you
have said, it would seem that the higher bourgeois academic circles reject the
Trotskyist view of the existence of a specifically ‘Stalinist’ bureaucracy?
They present facts, which refute completely the notion of Stalin as some
passive servant of bureaucracy.
TC: What Getty does
in the ‘Origins of the Great Purges’ is to question, the ‘Totalitarian’ view of
the Soviet Union, in the Stalin period, a view advocated by ‘western’ and
‘Stalinist’ writers, he means revisionists of course. In the introduction, he
opposes the view that the Soviet bureaucracy ‘was grimly efficient:
totalitarian to western writers, monolithic or solidly united to Stalinists’.
For instance, Getty notes that
‘Attempts
by central Moscow party authorities to bring the regional organisations into
line would be resisted by local machines that were anxious to preserve their
autonomy. This central-regional struggle is as old as politics itself and is
not peculiar to Soviet history’. (Op. cit. p. 27)
What all these serious bourgeois academic researches
reveal, although they are not written from Marxist-Leninist perspective, hence
they are ‘bourgeois’, is the shallowness of the Trotskyist interpretation of
the Soviet Union, in particular, the view that a counterrevolutionary
‘Stalinist’ bureaucracy had seized power under Stalin, with the latter acting
as some kind of figure head. Rather than seizing political power, the Soviet
bureaucracy had no political power to speak of under Stalin. He did not allow
them any political power. Trotsky’s argument that the Soviet bureaucracy had
seized political power in the period of Stalin is probably one of his greatest
political delusions.
IMLR: I would like to examine more the Trotskyist view,
which pictures Stalin as a servant of the Soviet bureaucracy. Is there a new
consensus in bourgeois academic circles about Stalin’s relation to the Soviet
bureaucracy?
TC: What you
usually find is that the more serious researchers view Stalin as an enemy of
the Soviet bureaucracy. We would say an enemy of the negative features of
bureaucracy; he struggles against its operational short-comings, but also we
find him resisting the danger of the higher stratum in the bureaucracy consolidating
itself into a ruling class or caste, separated from the people. The central
problem he faced was that Stalin’s room for manoeuvre was circumscribed by
other factors. These factors limited how far he could go and what he could
achieve in the struggle with bureaucracy. In the view of Lars Lih, for
instance, Stalin cannot be properly understood outside of the context of his
‘anti-bureaucrat scenario’. This position I believe is essentially correct.
Lih writes that for Stalin the problem was that Russia’s low cultural level
‘…forces
the worker-peasant state to rely on many
“class-alien elements” in its government bureaucracy. As a result, vigilance is one of the basic duties of each party member’. (Lars T. Lih: Stalin’s Letters to
Molotov; p.11)
Lih suggests that in order to
understand Stalin’s view
‘…we
have to recast it in the form of the dramatic antibureaucratic scenario that
portrays well-intentioned but naïve Communists doing battle with sophisticated
bureaucrats who try to fool and corrupt them’. (ibid. p.11)
Lih refers to one of the problems, which the Bolsheviks
faced, having seized power; this was the sabotage of government directives by
bureaucrats, and Lih argues that
‘According
to Stalin’s antibureaucrat scenario, however, class-motivated hostility is the
main reason bureaucrats do not follow directives’. (Op. cit. p.15)
For Lih, Stalin’s antibureaucrat
scenario is not unique to Stalin because
‘…any
politician trying to run an unwieldy bureaucracy is likely to develop some sort
of antibureaucrat scenario’. (Op. cit. p.16)
And we are told that Stalin’s
particular antibureaucrat scenario is derived from Bolshevik tradition.
‘Stalin
did not create his particular version of the anti-bureaucrat scenario in a
vacuum, and so we have to consider Stalin as a Bolshevik’. (ibid. p.16)
In addition, to this particular
theme, Lih argues that
‘Stalin
could plausibly claim Lenin’s authority for his scenario, since Lenin also
viewed public administration as a dramatic struggle against a class enemy’. ( ibid. p.16)
According to Lars Lih, Stalin paid a great deal of
attention to the question of how to go about the task of running and
controlling the state, thus
‘Stalin’s antibureaucrat scenario arose out of his
reflections on that problem’. (Op. cit. p.17)
IMLR: If there are
two views of Stalin, one the Trotskyist view which argues that Stalin was an
instrument of the Soviet bureaucracy, and the opposing, Marxist-Leninist view,
which says Stalin fought the Soviet bureaucracy, both of these views cannot be
right. How do you suggest going about resolving this contradictory thesis?
TC: Firstly, let me
point out that Trotskyists do not simply say that Stalin was a servant of the
Soviet bureaucracy, this view in itself is inaccurate, but what they actually
say is that Stalin was the servant of a conservative and counterrevolutionary
bureaucracy, regardless of all the hard evidence to the contrary. Secondly, it
is not a question, in my view, of ‘resolving’ contradictory thesis, but
discarding the incorrect thesis. And the incorrect, less concrete thesis here
emanates from Trotsky. The Stalin of Trotskyism is an instrument of Soviet
bureaucracy. The Stalin of Marxism-Leninism fights against the negative
aspects, including the counterrevolutionary, thermidorian elements within the
Soviet bureaucracy. All the higher academic research circles, although not
writing from a Marxist-Leninist perspective and are anti-Stalin in most cases,
agree that Stalin was the scourge of the Soviet bureaucrats. Those historians
and biographers who try to maintain a certain degree of historical objectivity,
given the constraints of bourgeois research, come to the same conclusion. Thus,
one writer argues that
‘Most of the material
published in the West on Stalin has been written by those who are hostile or
with a strong bias against him’. ( Ian Grey: Stalin Man of History; preface, p. xvii)
Grey writes from a completely
bourgeois perspective, but at least he recognises the open bias against Stalin
in academic circles. To defend the Marxist-Leninist view on Stalin I began by
finding evidence from the most anti-Stalin writers and writers who try to be
less bias. This prevents me from being accused of being biased or restricting
myself to writers who have a favourable attitude to Stalin. The story of
Stalin’s drive against the Soviet bureaucracy has been told often enough,
although mostly from a totally anti-Stalin perspective. But before
examining the retrospective theory of ‘Stalin
Against the Soviet Bureaucracy’, i.e., a theory about the past, some general background information is
required, both of a theoretical and concrete nature.
First, for Marxist-Leninists the view, as explained in
Lenin’s State and Revolution, that to imagine that bureaucracy can be
‘abolished’ overnight
‘…is
a utopia’.(See Lenin:
State and Revolution: Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1975; p.48)
Indeed, Lenin speaks of
‘…the
gradual abolition of all bureaucracy’. (ibid: p. 48)
or he refers to ‘…the
gradually withering away of all bureaucracy’. (ibid: p.49)
In short, for Marxist-Leninists, as opposed to Trotskyists,
bureaucracy is something which cannot be abolished right away, as if by magic.
It is something which can be abolished only ‘gradually’ and in this context
Lenin supports the view, opposed to anarchism, that the state bureaucracy
‘withers’ away.
It should be clear, therefore, that on this most
fundamental point Trotskyism, in relation to the Soviet Union, breaks from
Marxism on the question of the ‘withering away’ of bureaucracy in the period of
the transition to communism. Regarding the Soviet Union, Trotsky instead
calls for a ‘political revolution’ supposedly aimed against a mythical
‘Stalinist’ bureaucracy. In contrast to Trotskyism, Marxist-Leninists do not
call for the overthrow of bureaucracy but rather to fight against its negative
aspects and bringing it under the control of the working class led by the
communist vanguard.
It is possible for Trotskyists to argue that while I am
referring to bureaucracy in general, Trotsky, in fact, called for the overthrow
of the ‘Stalinist’ bureaucracy in particular. This, however, does not change
matters one bit, for two reasons. Firstly because if there was a specifically
‘Stalinist’ bureaucracy, as the Trotskyists argue, there is no reason to
suppose that such a bureaucracy should be treated differently from other state
bureaucracies in general, and secondly, the category of the ‘Stalinist’
bureaucracy is an invention, a false theoretical construct offered up by
Trotsky. Certainly, Stalin had his supporters in party and state, but to refer
to this as a ‘bureaucracy’ is a misnomer. And, as I have already pointed out,
nowhere in the writing of Trotsky is the category ‘Stalinist bureaucracy’
differentiated from the idea of ‘Soviet bureaucracy’. Both terms are used interchangeably.
In other words, when the Trotskyists spoke of a political revolution to
overthrow the ‘Stalinist’ bureaucracy, they actually mean overthrowing the
Soviet bureaucracy, which as a bureaucracy, as Lenin explains, ‘withers away’,
or is ‘abolished’ only in the course of a long struggle, gradually. Therefore,
we arrive at the conclusion that the Trotskyist ‘political revolution’ slogan
was due to factional considerations expressing itself in the form of
petty-bourgeois phrase mongering of the anarchist type.
IMLR: Do you think there were other considerations
prompting Trotsky to change his views on the matter, that is, regarding the
struggle against bureaucracy from a long term perspective to his political
revolution short term perspective?
TC: I think we need
to start from the fact that criticism of the Soviet bureaucracy is as old as
the revolution itself. Trotsky, known as a friend of the bureaucrats in the
early days of the revolution, only takes the issue up when he began to lose his
power. We need not hold this against him, for as the saying goes: better late
than never. The problem we face is that Trotsky’s understanding of the problem
of bureaucracy during the transition to socialism under Soviet conditions
became distorted by his general political views.
IMLR: Can you
elaborate on this point of how Trotsky’s position on bureaucracy was
‘distorted’ by his general political views?
TC: What I mean is
that Trotsky introduces the abstraction
of what he calls a ‘counterrevolutionary’ Soviet or Stalinist bureaucracy. This
abstraction is able to mislead
leftists because it provides an identifiable target. However, Marxist-Leninists
reject this view as abstract, and refer instead to the counterrevolutionary
elements within the Soviet bureaucracy.
Trotsky argues that this bureaucracy is counterrevolutionary; it defends
socialism in one country; it is leading the country back to capitalism, and so
on. Consequently, we are told that this bureaucracy must be overthrown by means
of a ‘political revolution’. Is not all this clearly pseudo-leftism when
compared with the Marxist-Leninist view that bureaucracy cannot be abolished,
instead it withers away. If we view things from a Marxist-Leninist perspective,
the argument that the Soviet bureaucracy is counterrevolutionary and that this
was expressed by its upholding ‘socialism in one country’, represents a break
from Marxism-Leninism, not only on the question of the withering away of
bureaucracy, but also on the notion of a counterrevolutionary bureaucracy,
because this suggest that there are ‘revolutionary bureaucracies’.
IMLR: Are you saying that Trotsky
turned the issue of bureaucracy into a factional issue?
TC: Yes, and
bureaucracy is more than a factional issue, or a political issue.
Marxist-Leninists believe that Trotskyism simplifies the issue of bureaucracy
by one-sidedly reducing it to a mere political problem. All ruling classes rule
through a bureaucracy to one degree or another, and the working class is no
exception to this. Therefore, pseudo-leftist Trotskyist talk about overthrowing
the Soviet or ‘Stalinist’ bureaucracy plays into the hands of the
counterrevolution. Trotsky himself recognised this clearly at one stage,
remarking in a letter he wrote to his son in 1932 that
‘At
present Miliukov, the Menshevik and Thermidoreans of all sorts…will willing
echo the cry “Remove Stalin”. Yet, it
may happen within a few months that Stalin may have to defend himself against
Thermidorean pressure, and that we may temporarily have to support him…This being
so, the Slogan “Down with Stalin” is ambiguous and should not be raised as a
war cry at this moment’. (See Deutscher: The Prophet Outcast)
And in the ‘Bulletin of the Opposition, No. 33, Trotsky
argued that if what he called the ‘bureaucratic equilibrium ‘…in the USSR were to be upset at present, this would
almost benefit the forces of counterrevolution’.
In short, Trotsky admitted that his own slogan could play a
counterrevolutionary role, although he never made it clear under what condition
it would fail to do so.
IMLR: While a ruling class needs a bureaucracy to one
degree or another one cannot confuse the ruling class, in this case the
proletariat, with the bureaucracy because the latter can develop separate
interests. How do you reply argument?
TC: As I previously
mentioned, this was a problem recognised by Karl Marx way back in 1848. If you
read his ‘Contribution to the Critique of
Hegel’s Philosophy of Law’, we find Marx arguing that bureaucracy was based
on the modern division between state and society. For Marx, bureaucracy had the
state in its possession, as belonging to itself like private property.
Bureaucracy, argued Marx, was an embodiment, or expression of ‘particular’
interests. This view was Marx’s response to Hegel’s (1770-1831) view that
bureaucracy expressed the universal interests. For Marx, the problem of
bureaucracy arose when there was a separation between state and society. The
state itself emerges from the contradiction between classes in society, and
will only cease to exist when these contradictions come to an end.
IMLR: Do you think
that socialism in general is faced with the problem of bureaucracy, or was the
Soviet Union an exception?
TC: That is a very interesting question. It is certainly
not easy to answer in the abstract. What you call the problem of bureaucracy
assumes two forms: one is the administrative or operational dysfunction of
bureaucracy, its negative expression, and the other is the socio-political
aspect of the problem. When Lenin began the struggle against bureaucracy, he
had in mind mainly the dysfunctional aspect of the problem. That is to say, he
was concerned mostly with the administrative functional or operational side of
the problem. The issue here was how to improve the performance of the Soviet
administration. For Lenin if the Soviet bureaucracy could raise to the level of
a bureaucracy such as exist in an ordinary bourgeois democratic republic this
would represent a huge gain. The socio-political aspect of the problem concerns
the issue of separation of the bureaucracy from society and the transformation
of its top stratum into a ruling elite alien to socialism.
IMLR: Is not this
one of the aspect, which Trotsky brought to the fore, the view that the Soviet
bureaucracy was assuming a privileged status in relation to the masses?
TC: Yes, as I said
previously, Trotsky draws attention to this issue. But the impression Trotsky
gives is that a privileged stratum in Soviet Society only emerged in the Stalin
period. In fact although Trotsky railed against privilege after he lost power,
A. Kussinen recounts a story that after the October revolution Trotsky’s
parents were given the home of a former well-to-do Russian, they had several
servants, a cook and the house was provided with all ‘The comforts one could wish for’. ( A. Kuusinen: Before and After
Stalin: p. 24)
Trotsky’s argument that Stalin represented a privileged
stratum ignores the fact that a privilege stratum existed before the Stalin
ascendancy, in the period when Trotsky was prominent in the leadership. And
although Trotsky ensured that his own family had all ‘the comforts one could
wish for’, the Trotskyists do not argue that Trotsky was the representative of
a privilege stratum.
IMLR: Nevertheless, Trotsky was
right about the emergence of a privilege stratum in Soviet Society?
TC: Yes, a privileged stratum, which included is own
family. What I am saying is that a privileged stratum began to emerge in Soviet
society soon after the socialist revolution in 1917. Therefore, it is wrong to
mislead people along the lines that this stratum only emerged in the period of
Stalin, and that Stalin represented this particular stratum. Economic factors
were the main contributory factors behind the rise of a privileged stratum in
the Soviet bureaucracy, and I have touched upon how this began. The origins of privilege following the
communist seizure of power can be traced back to the Red Army under the
leadership of Trotsky, who promoted the policy of granting privileges to the
officer caste, or military specialists to ensure loyalty to a government which
was hanging by a thread. This system was then extended to key personnel in the
Soviet bureaucracy for the same reason.
IMLR: The
Anarchist, Mikhail Bakunin (1814-1876), claimed that communism would lead to
the rule of a bureaucracy, and Weber, the bourgeois sociologist, referred to
communism leading to the rule of officials. Some commentators claimed that
Soviet experience confirmed this Anarchist perspective, and Milovan Djilas saw
communism as the rule of a new bureaucratic class, which came to power on the
basis of nationalised property. How do you reply to these kinds of arguments?
TC: The question
can be simply put. Does communism, that is the Marxist project, lead to the
rule of a new bureaucratic class or caste, and did the Soviet experience
confirm this view? My reply is that this question cannot be answered
‘abstractly’ with a ‘either/or’ format, i.e., either communism leads to the
rule of a new bureaucratic class or it does not. Anarchist may argue,
abstractly, that communism leads to the rule of a new bureaucratic class, but
this is to ignore concrete factors, which determine the outcome of the struggle
for communism.
IMLR: So, what you
are saying is that the struggle for communism is not predetermined to end in
the rule of a new bureaucratic class?
TC: This is
precisely what I am saying, and suggestions otherwise simply serve the interest
of anti-communism, and are in fact counterrevolutionary.
IMLR: In your view,
then, the history of the former Soviet Union does not support the anarchist
theory?
TC: What the Soviet
Union demonstrated is the need for a constant struggle against the negative
aspects of bureaucracy on the one hand, and on the other, the struggle against
bureaucrats becoming a new political ruling class. This was part of the meaning
of Stalin’s struggle against Soviet bureaucracy which culminated in the
extensive purges of the 1930s, and which led me to the notion of Stalin Against
the Soviet Bureaucracy’, an attempt to draw attention to the role of Stalin in
the struggle against Soviet bureaucracy,
IMLR: But the
Anarchists would, no doubt, insist that Marxian communism ended in bureaucratic
rule, thus confirming Bakunin’s thesis. How do Marxist-Leninists concretely reply
to this argument?
TC: As always
Marxism-Leninism must base itself on a concrete study of each particular
situation. Thus to say that Bakunin’s thesis was confirmed by Soviet experience
without the benefit of a concrete study will not get us very far. In the
period of Lenin and Stalin the bureaucracy, or its leading stratum, did not
constitute itself as a new ruling class, or caste. The bureaucrats
remained, in all essentials, servants of the state, under the direction of the
party, with any official subject to removal. Marxist-Leninists do not confuse
bureaucratisation of the state apparatus with the notion that the bureaucrats
had become a new ruling class or caste. Lenin referred to a workers state with
bureaucratic distortions, but this did not mean that the bureaucrats had become
a new ruling class, or caste. In fact, one of the reasons for the 1930s purge
was to prevent the consolidation of the top stratum from consolidating itself
into a new ruling class or caste.
IMLR: How do you, or indeed, can you, support this thesis on the basis
of Marxism?
TC: Well, in
Marxism, a ruling class is defined ultimately, or even in the first instance,
by its relations to the means of production, by which both Marx, Engels and
Lenin meant ownership. In the Soviet Union, even in the
period of revisionist rule, from 1956 onwards, the bureaucrats certainly did
not own the means of production either individually, or collectively. It has
been suggested by various writers that although the bureaucrats did not own the
means of production, juridically speaking, they nevertheless control the state,
which in turn owns the means of production. In this view, the means of
production belongs to those who control the state, but this is a fallacy. There
are those who have fallen for this superficial view because it contains an
element of truth, i.e., in the former Soviet Union, the state owned the means
of production, and the bureaucracy controlled the State. The question is who
controls the bureaucracy. In the case of the Soviet Union in the period of
Stalin control resided in the party and non-party people. This leads to the
question of who controlled the party and this is a matter of class ideological
struggle. To determine who concretely is the ruling class one needs to understand
that the concept ‘ruling class’ refers to or means ‘dominant class’. The
dominant class in the period of Lenin and Stalin was the working class, because
only the ruling class can determine the general direction of society. In a
bourgeois society, the capitalists’ rule through a state bureaucracy, no one
isolates the bureaucracy as such and claims it is the ruling class, although it
often has more power, far more power than individual capitalists do. Another
point is that in the Soviet Union, Stalin fought revisionism, and this is not
an abstract inconsequential matter because revisionism is the form in which
the new bourgeoisie strive to gain control of a socialist country or communist
party to reverse the movement towards communism.
IMLR: Is there a danger
of a struggle for power between the working class and the bureaucracy in a
post-capitalist society, in a process of socialist transformation?
TC: I think this is
an important question which does not, in my view, apply only to the specific
conditions of backwardness, although the latter conditions would seem to favour
a bureaucracy seizing power, not a too difficult task to achieve since
bureaucracy already physically controls the state. A bureaucracy, technically
runs, or controls the state, although it does not have political power as such.
Consequently, the decisive thing for a society in a process of socialist
transformation is: who has the political power? When the working class has
political power, that power will be used to promote socialism, as a strategic
goal. In other words, the main direction of society is one of the tests to
answer the question, who has political power. It is possible to speak of a
struggle for power between the working class and a section of the bureaucracy
in post capitalist society. In essence, this would be a struggle between the
working class and a new bourgeoisie emerging in the state and party apparatus.
In this respect, one should speak of bureaucrats seizing political power not
bureaucracy doing so. This would be a transition from merely administrative
power to political power.
IMLR: So you are
saying that although bureaucrats have administrative power, i.e., they run the
means of administration, they do not necessarily have political power, and the
latter power is the decisive factor?
TC: It is political
power which ultimately directs administrative power, not the other way round.
Of course, the latter can attempt to sabotage political directives. Political
power, in the widest sense, expresses itself in being able to determine the
main, strategic direction of a given society. In a society, undergoing
socialist transformation class struggle continues in one form or another, to
one degree or another. This may take the form of a struggle between the working
class and a section of the bureaucracy, and in a situation where the working
class does not possess sufficient class consciousness, or political culture in
general, or is weak in some other respect, sections of the bureaucracy may
attempt to transform their administrative power into political power.
IMLR: To what
extent, if at all, did any section of the Soviet bureaucracy transform its
administrative power into political power?
TC: This certainly
did not happen in the period of Lenin or Stalin. However, in the post-Stalin
period, with revisionism on the rise, the bureaucracy could assert itself more,
and so it’s political influence actually grew. This was a significant contrast
with the Stalin period when the bureaucrats had to watch their step. In this
respect, Trotskyist ideology has served to conceal the extent of Stalin’s
anti-bureaucracy struggle, while not explaining how the revisionists usurped
power in the Soviet Union.
IMLR: Did Stalin have an anti-bureaucracy platform?
TC: This is an
interesting question in view of the fact that Lenin had warned against
anti-bureaucracy platforms, or in other words turning the issue of bureaucracy
into a political factional issue. What Stalin had was a view which saw many of
the bureaucrats as enemies. Lars. T. Lih refers to this as ‘Stalin’s
antibureaucrat scenario’, which, Lih argues, guided Stalin in his day-to-day
work. This ‘anti-bureaucracy scenario’, as noted previously, was derived from
Bolshevik political tradition. Accordingly, Lih is convinced that Stalin cannot
be properly understood outside of the context of his Bolshevik derived
antibureaucrat scenario. So to answer your question, what Stalin had was not an
anti-bureaucracy platform, but rather an anti-bureaucracy view, or scenario.
This was his response to the dangers inherent in Soviet bureaucracy, which
Lenin had warned against. Consequently, Stalin called for
‘…a
resolute struggle against bureaucracy in the direction of enlisting the broad
masses of the working class in this struggle’. (J. V. Stalin: Works. 7; pp. 349-501)
For Stalin the bureaucratic element and its growth
threatened a separation or ‘divorce’ between the party and the broad masses of
the working people. He believed that only the struggle against bureaucracy
could avert this danger. Part of this struggle would entail paying
‘…attention
and thought to the requirements and needs of the working class, less
bureaucratic formalism’.
Etc. (J. V. Stalin; Works 7; P.214)
For Stalin, bureaucracy, or its negative features, was
pervasive. The state, public sector was not complete socialism
‘…bearing
in mind the survivals of bureaucracy persisting in the managing bodies of our
enterprises’. (
Stalin: ibid. p. 312)
And at the Fourteenth Congress,
1925, Stalin noted that
‘Lenin,
who proclaimed our Soviet system a proletarian type state, castigated it for
its bureaucratic survivals more strongly than anybody else’. ( ibid. 313)
Stalin went to great lengths to make a distinction between
the apparatus of proletarian state power and what Lenin called its bureaucratic
distortion. For Stalin the question was to struggle against the latter, not to
throw out the baby with the bath water. Thus he argued that a distinction must
be drawn between the proletarian state and
‘…the
heritage and survivals still persisting in the system and apparatus of the
state’. (Stalin: ibid.
p.313)
And for Stalin the same applied to
state industries where it was necessary to
‘…draw
a distinction between the bureaucratic survivals in the state enterprises and
the type of structure of industry that we call the socialist type’. (Stalin: ibid. p.313)
So Stalin, then,
was in no doubt about the negative features of socialist development,
but these were survivals from the past. Nevertheless,
‘It
was wrong to say that because our economic bodies, out trusts, suffer from
mistakes, bureaucracy, and so forth, our state industry is not socialist’. ( ibid. p. 313-4)
I think in all these statements we see Stalin’s
anti-bureaucratic perspective absolutely clearly. Those who argue that Stalin
did not have an anti-bureaucratic perspective are either ignorant or dishonest.
That Stalin did not make a factional issue out of the problems with bureaucracy
was entirely in keeping with Lenin’s advice. The resolute struggle against
Soviet bureaucracy which Stalin demanded resulted in the repression of the
Soviet fifth column, 1937-1939. However, it would be erroneous to conclude that
‘Stalin Against the Soviet Bureaucracy’ had its origins in the struggle of
this period. As we have seen for instance, Lars Lih correctly associates
Stalin’s anti-bureaucracy perspectives with Bolshevik political culture. This
view is also supported by Professor Sheila Fitzpatrick who writes that
‘All
revolutionaries, all Bolsheviks were against “bureaucracy”. They could happily see themselves as party
leaders or militant commanders, but what true revolutionaries could admit to
becoming a bureaucrat, a chinovnik of the new regime’. (S. Fitzpatrick: The Russian
1917-1932 Revolution: p.93)
IMLR: In the trade
union discussions of 1920-1921, you drew attention to Stalin’s remark that
Trotsky was the ‘patriarch’ of bureaucrats. Would you say that
it was during this period that ‘Stalin
Against the Soviet Bureaucracy’ emerged?
TC: At the
Thirteenth Conference of the Party in 1924, Stalin referred to Trotsky as the ‘patriarch of bureaucrats’. (See Stalin’s Work. Vol. 6; p.
29) Stalin was quite unaware of what he was about to bring down on himself,
because Trotsky was to spend the rest of his life shedding his early pro-bureaucratic
image, which came out in the trade union discussions when Trotsky called for
the militarisation of labour and fascist type abolition of trade union
independence. Part of Trotsky’s campaign was to shift the pro-bureaucracy image
onto Stalin. However, I think, or I would argue that Stalin’s antipathy towards
bureaucracy dates back to an even earlier period. In fact, we find him railing
against bureaucracy in his younger years when the oppressive Tsarist
bureaucracy was his target.
IMLR: To what extent
would you say that the Russian revolution inherited all the problems associated
with the old Tsarist bureaucracy, and to what extent were these problems new?
TC: The revolution
inherited all the problems of the old bureaucracy and created new ones. From
serving the Tsarist regime the bureaucracy was made to serve the new masters,
but as the state took on more responsibilities the bureaucracy grew and became
ever more difficult to direct.
IMLR: In general
terms, how do Marxist-Leninists regard the Soviet Union in the period of
Stalin, and how does this understanding relate to the problem of Soviet
bureaucracy?
TC: The Soviet
Union in the period of Stalin was a society in the process of socialist
transformation. This means that the Soviet Union was a transitional society.
The Fourteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U. (B) known as the ‘industrialisation
Congress’ defeated the opposition to building socialism in one country as part
of the world revolutionary process. Stalin told the delegates to the Congress,
December 1925 that the period after the wars of intervention had become or had
been transformed into a period
‘…of
“peaceful co-existence” between the land of the Soviets and the capitalist
countries’. (J. V.
Stalin: Works. 7; p.268)
Although this was an unstable situation, for Stalin it
allowed a certain reprieve for the Soviet Union, which would continue the
struggle for peace as the basic element of Soviet foreign policy. The meaning
of the idea that the Soviet Union was a transitional society is to recognise
that the society combines features of the past with those of the socialist
future. I think this was a basically correct view. All the negative aspects of
Soviet bureaucracy, including the existence of a privileged element within it
has to be viewed in this context. The October revolution led to a transitional
society in the most adverse conditions possible! And we are all aware that it
contained a number of negative features.
IMLR: In other words, the Soviet Union was no perfect socialist society?
TC: There is no
such thing as a “perfect” socialist society. Such a conception is a one-sided,
non-dialectical abstraction when applied to socialism. The end of NEP came at
around 1928-1929. If we argue that the real, that is, substantive transition to
socialism begins after NEP circa 1930 under the leadership of J. V. Stalin,
what we find is that six years later, in 1936 Trotsky writes his ‘Revolution
Betrayed’, to prove that the Soviet Union was not a perfect socialist society,
or one that was not socialist enough, that it had many defects, negative
features and shortcomings. Only six years after the new stage in the transition
to socialism, following NEP, Trotsky writes a book to show that that the Soviet
Union fell short of the socialist ideals, which the revolution aspired to. Now
six years in terms of social development is less than a second. Thus, we can
put this another way. If social development is our measure, less than a second
after Stalin begins the new stage of socialist transformation after NEP,
Trotsky writes ‘Revolution Betrayed’ to prove that the Soviet Union fell short
of the socialist ideal. Consequently, we have to conclude that this work has
little to do with Marxism, as far as the transition to socialism is concerned.
The ultra left accusation that Stalin had betrayed the
revolution was similar to the accusation levelled at Lenin in 1921 that he had
betrayed the revolution after introducing the New Economic Policy.
IMLR: You have said
that ‘Stalin Against the Soviet
Bureaucracy’ did not
emerge suddenly. Its genesis can be found in Bolshevik political traditions. Do
you think that Stalin was in any way influenced by Trotsky’s ‘Revolution
Betrayed’ to adopt a more aggressive stance towards the Soviet bureaucracy?
TC: This is certainly an interesting, although
nevertheless, not provable proposition. What Trotsky argues is that the Soviet
bureaucracy is a counterrevolutionary agency within the workers’ state;
therefore, it needs to be overthrown by means of a political revolution. We have
examined the notion of whether we can really speak of a counterrevolutionary
bureaucracy in regard to the Soviet Union. We came to the conclusion that such
a notion is one-sided, and abstract because in reality the Soviet bureaucracy,
at all levels, did not only contain counterrevolution elements; it also
contained progressive revolutionary elements as well. For this reason,
Marxist-Leninists regard Trotsky's theory of a
'counterrevolutionary bureaucracy’ as an abstraction. Indeed, it is the
abstract nature of Trotsky’s ideas which is the most recognisable signature of
Trotsky’s theoretical formulations. Marxist-Leninists oppose to Trotsky’s view
the need to struggle against counterrevolutionary elements within the Soviet
bureaucracy, which is what Stalin spent part of his time doing.
IMLR: At one stage
Trotsky recognised that the Soviet bureaucracy was not a one-sidedly
counterrevolutionary force, but Trotskyism seemed to have retreated from this
position. Why do you think that this was the case?
TC: At one stage
Trotsky spoke about the ‘dual’ nature of the Soviet bureaucracy, yet he and the
pro-Trotsky writers failed to realise that if the Soviet bureaucracy had a
‘dual’ nature, it would be highly inappropriate to employ the category of
‘counterrevolutionary’ in its definition. To theoretically recognise that
something as a dual nature, but then to approach it in a one-sided way makes no
sense. This is precisely what Trotsky did when he formulated his theory about
the counterrevolutionary Soviet, or ‘Stalinist’ bureaucracy. The difficulty of
ascribing the concept ‘counterrevolutionary’ to the former Soviet bureaucracy
should be apparent to concrete reasoning, because the concept
‘counterrevolutionary’ is a non-contradictory concept, whereas the Soviet
bureaucracy by its very nature was heterogeneous and contradictory. That is why
Marxist-Leninists reject the Trotskyist theory of a counterrevolutionary Soviet
bureaucracy as meaningless, and abstract, while maintaining, of course, that there
were counterrevolutionary elements within the bureaucracy. Trotsky’s theory
of the ‘counterrevolutionary Soviet/Stalinist bureaucracy is an abstract,
simplistic category which disregard the real complexity of Soviet bureaucracy.
Thus, we are dealing with the kind of petty bourgeois ‘revolutionary’ phrase
mongering beloved by Trotsky and which Lenin warned against.
‘The
whole of Marxism teaches us not to succumb to revolutionary phrases,
particularly at a time when they have the greatest currency’. (V. I. Lenin: Vol. 36; p. 439)
IMLR: Why do you
think Trotsky disregarded the heterogeneous nature of the Soviet bureaucracy,
by putting forward a one-sided view referred to as the ‘counterrevolutionary'
Soviet or Stalinist bureaucracy; was this due solely to his political opposition
to Stalin?
TC: It is partly
due to his opposition to Stalin. As far as reasoning is concerned, if we return
to the controversy over the trade union question concerning their role under
socialism, Lenin essentially criticised Trotsky for a abstract form of thinking
which never strove to relate to the concrete
‘Comrade
Trotsky speaks of a ‘workers’ state’. May I say that this is an abstraction’. (V. I. Lenin: CW. Vol. 32; p.24)
Lenin then proceeds to give a concrete definition of the
Soviet State. For instance, it is not only workers’ state but a workers’ and
peasants’ state, and not only this either because
‘Our
Party Programme shows that ours is a workers’ state with a bureaucratic twist
to it’. (Lenin: ibid.
p. 120)
Lenin regarded Trotsky’s thesis on the role of the trade
union under socialism as characteristic of Trotsky’s methodology, remarking
that
‘All
his theses are based on “general principles”, an approach which is in itself
fundamentally wrong…’
(V. I. Lenin: op. cit. p. 22)
What Lenin is saying here is that in his reasoning Trotsky
fails to descend to the level of the richness of the concrete particular, which
means simultaneously to rise to a higher, concrete level of thinking. For
instance in the debate over the trade unions, which is recorded in volume 32,
Lenin remarks that Trotsky’s thesis are
‘…highbrow,
abstract, “empty” and theoretically incorrect general theses which ignore all
that is most practical and business-like’. (Lenin: ibid. p. 85)
Highbrow, abstract, “empty”; these are words which Lenin
employs to describe the results of Trotsky’s thinking. What Lenin is suggesting
is that Trotsky’s ideas lacks concreteness: this is evident in his theory of ‘permanent revolution’, where the transition from the democratic to the socialist
stage of the revolution is regarded entirely as an abstract process which fails
to take into consideration the real, actual, concrete conditions issuing from
the first imperialist war, which made the transition to the socialist
revolution possible. Again the abstractedness of Trotsky’s way of thinking is
most clearly expressed in his ‘no peace
no war’ policy at
Brest Litovsk, which played into the hands of counterrevolutionary forces.
Trotsky’s later abstract definition of the workers’ state, which Lenin comments
on is precursor to his later abstract theory about a counterrevolutionary Soviet or Stalinist bureaucracy, which carries all the hallmarks
of Trotskyism and in fact deserves the epithets Lenin used in describing
Trotsky’s way of thinking: highbrow,
abstract, empty.
Lenin referred to
Trotsky as having theoretically produced
‘a
truly hopeless “ideological confusion”. (Lenin: ibid. p.85)
Also Lenin warned that Trotsky’s mistakes unless admitted
and corrected
‘…leads to the collapse of the dictatorship
of the proletariat’.
(V. I. Lenin: Vol. 32; p. 85)
The ‘abstract’ nature of Trotsky’s reasoning has been
commented on by other writers, even pro-Trotsky ones. We not only see this
abstract reasoning at work in Trotsky’s category of the ‘counterrevolutionary
Soviet/Stalinist bureaucracy’, ignoring the concrete nature of the bureaucracy,
its contradictory, heterogeneous reality. But when capitalism was restored in
the Soviet Union, Trotskyism’s abstract nature comes to the fore again and the
counterrevolution is made to be the result of some faceless bureaucracy, rather
than the work of a conscious revisionist political leadership, which had to
overcome the resistance of sections of the bureaucracy at every level and
promoted their reforms as an improvement of socialism to deceive the working
class. The central concept of post-Lenin Trotskyism is the notion of ‘the
counterrevolutionary Stalinist bureaucracy’. This abstraction prevents
pseudo-left elements from understanding real concrete processes; thus, one
pro-Trotsky writer remarks that
‘The
degeneration of the Russian Revolution is one of the most complex social
processes in the history of man’. (Tim Wohlforth: The Theory of Structural Assimilation, in:
Communist Against Revolution – Two Essays on Post-war Stalinism; p. 5)
But such a statement is nothing but pure mystification,
because there is nothing complex about the degeneration of the Russian
revolution, certainly not to qualify it as the most complex in the history of
man. In fact, it is quite simple. Counterrevolutionary tendencies always exist
in a society undergoing socialist transformation, but are kept in check. As
Stalin explained to the Trotsky-Zinoviev opposition in 1927, as long as classes
exist thermidorian tendencies will continue to exist. If a revisionist
leadership comes to power, or in fact any other form of incorrect leadership,
such counterrevolutionary tendencies will gain the ascendancy over the
socialist tendencies.
IMLR: Trotsky projected his struggle against Stalin as a
struggle against bureaucratic centrism, i.e., opportunism. How do
Marxist-Leninists respond to this argument?
TC: Well, in the
pre-revolutionary period, Trotsky struggled against Lenin, and this was no
doubt, in his view, a struggle against opportunism. But the truth is that
Trotskyism gave birth to a form of pseudo-leftism, otherwise known as
ultra-leftism, and left opportunism. This point can be illustrated on various
issues. A good example of this ultra-leftism is given by Trotsky in ‘The Platform
of the Joint Opposition’ of 1927, where in chapter twelve, called ‘Against
opportunism-for the unity of the party’ Trotsky defends Lenin’s definition of
opportunism, i.e., it is a bloc between the upper strata of the working
class and the bourgeoisie directed against the majority of the working class, a
bloc, in other words against the socialist revolution, but then Trotsky
goes on to make the following remark
‘In
the conditions now existing in the Soviet Union, opportunism in its completed
form would be an aspiration of the upper strata of the working class towards
compromise with the developing new bourgeoisie (kulaks and Nepmen) and with
world capitalism, at the expense of the interests of the broad mass of the
workers and the peasant poor’. (Trotsky: The Platform of the Joint Opposition; New Park; p. 107)
But the conditions existing at the time, which Trotsky is
referring to, was NEP. This was a period of compromise with capitalism, the
Kulak and Nepmen, and indeed, with world capitalism. Unlike Marxism-Leninism,
Trotsky does not make it clear that there are different types of compromises,
compromises that serve the interest of the working class and socialist
revolution, and compromises that undermine these interests. By ignoring the
question of different types of compromises, the impression given is that all
compromises are at the expense of the revolution. This leads to opening the
door to ultra-leftism.
The ultra-left approach is also given clear expression in
Trotsky’s category of a counterrevolutionary Soviet or ‘Stalinist’ bureaucracy.
Trotsky ignores the concrete Soviet bureaucracy with all its contradiction and
heterogeneity, and applies the concept of ‘counterrevolutionary’ to it. Marxist-Leninists
on the other hand start from the concrete bureaucracy, recognising its
contradictory and heterogeneous nature and thus advocate the need to purge the
counterrevolutionary elements within it. What all this brings to light is
the difference between the conceptual tools used respectively by Marxism-Leninism
and Trotskyism: the concrete conceptual tools of Marxism-Leninism and the
abstract conceptual tools of Trotskyism.
IMLR: How do you
define the nature of the contradiction between the working class and
bureaucracy in a society undergoing socialist transformation, assuming that
such a contradiction exists?
TC: My answer to
this important question is that, given a correct Marxist-Leninist leadership,
the nature of the contradiction between the working class and bureaucracy in a
society going through a process of socialist transformation is that of a non-antagonistic contradiction, that is
to say a contradiction which can be gradually resolved without the need for a
new political revolution. Marxist-Leninists would be justified in speaking
about the need for a political revolution if a situation arose where the
bureaucracy had formed itself into a new class and had seized political power.
Was this the case in the Stalin period? I do not think so. All the evidence
shows that the Soviet bureaucracy in the period of Stalin had not seized
political power. The bureaucrats, when the need arose, could and were purged
and removed from office by the Marxist-Leninist leadership under the direction
of J. V. Stalin and his supporters in the central committee of the party. It
was only in the revisionist period that things began to change and the
bureaucrats became more confident, and sought to transform themselves into a
new bureaucrat bourgeoisie. The political expression of this process was the
anti-Stalin campaign, the descent into revisionism and the denigration of
Stalin by the embryonic new bureaucrat bourgeoisie. In short, the anti-Stalin
campaign, the attempt to demonise Stalin, is the work of the new embryonic
revisionist bureaucrat bourgeoisie. Interestingly, when the revisionists came
out against Stalin in the Soviet Union in 1956, the Trotskyists were beside
themselves with joy. These people have always condemned and misinterpreted
Stalin’s anti-bureaucrat purges. What does this mean in practical terms? It means
that due to pseudo-left unconsciousness, these people became the agents of the
new bureaucrat bourgeoisie, which sought to consolidate itself in the Soviet
Union after Stalin. The Trotskyist slogan of political revolution cannot be
interpreted to mean a struggle against bureaucracy because the problems of
bureaucracy cannot be eradicated by such political means. The slogan is,
therefore, only applicable against a class or caste which had actually taken
political power, but in the period of Stalin such was not the case.
IMLR: How did Soviet Marxist-Leninists regard the question of
bureaucracy after Stalin?
TC: For Soviet
Marxist-Leninists, Stalin played a most important role in the struggle against
bureaucracy. They argued in an anti-revisionist that
‘The
purges of 1937 were, socially speaking, directed in a very specific manner.
They were aimed at the existing bureaucratic apparatus, against the remnants of
the exploiting classes and one section of the intelligentsia’. (Programme and Principles of the
Revolutionary Soviet Communists; p. 16)
This was a struggle against the
remnants of the old bureaucracy, but
‘The
main difficulty resided in the fact that the problem was not limited solely to
the struggle against the backwash of the practices of the Old State apparatus’. (Ibid.)
The purging of the old bureaucracy,
they suggested, led to the creation of a new bureaucracy
‘Thus,
bureaucracy has become an obstacle to the Revolution, a most dangerous enemy of
the Revolution’.
(Ibid.)
The Soviet Marxist-Leninists took
the view that
‘…the
Leninist method of dealing with the bureaucrats demanded that it be applied
even more firmly and forcefully to the Communists who had degenerated’. (Op. cit. pp. 17-18)
For Soviet Marxist-Leninists, the struggle against the
bureaucratic deviation in the Soviet Union was a struggle against
petty-bourgeois influence, thus they argued that
‘It
could be categorically stated that events in 1937 were determined by the fact
that the State apparatus of that period was extremely bureaucratic and thus the
struggle against bureaucracy and against petty-bourgeois tendencies themselves
were inevitably carried out in a bureaucratic manner’. (Ibid. p. 18)
Although we find, in some places, at this stage that the
Soviet Marxist-Leninists viewed the question of bureaucracy in a semi abstract
manner, they nevertheless made the important observation that
‘It
should be understood that Stalin only had that bureaucratic apparatus to
function with and that he could not exceed the limits of its procedures and
practices’. (Ibid.)
They also argued that
‘….the
growth of bureaucratism has gradually formed a bureaucratic sector which
divides the revolutionary centre from the people and prevents them from
functioning in harmony’.
(Op. cit. p.19)
IMLR: How do the
views of the Soviet Marxist-Leninists compares with what the Trotskyists had
previously argued?
TC: Well,
Marxist-Leninists do not differ from Trotskyists on the question of there being
a bureaucratic problem following the Bolshevik seizure of power, indeed,
Marxist-Leninists were the first to recognise this problem even at a time when
Trotsky was arguing for policies which served to promote bureaucracy. Where we
differ from the Trotskyists concerns the question of the correct way to go about
combating this problem. In regard to this question of how to fight bureaucracy,
I think the Soviet Marxist-Leninists had a more concrete understanding of the
problem compared to which Trotskyism has never reached. For instance they show
that the struggle of Stalin against the Soviet bureaucracy was contradictory
because while consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat
‘…Stalin
had to do two things at the same time – use the bureaucratic apparatus and
fight against it simultaneously’. (Ibid)
That the struggle against bureaucracy is of a contradictory
nature, involving the need for Marxist-Leninists to use the same bureaucracy
which they are fighting against, a point which the Trotskyists refuse to grasp,
is confirmed by Sheila Fitzpatrick who argues that
‘Although
Lenin saw the danger that Communist values would be swamped by the old
bureaucracy, he believed that the Communists had no alternative to working with
it’. (Sheila
Fitzpatrick: The Russian Revolution: p.94)
This is a point that all pseudo-left elements do not
recognise, the contradictory nature of the struggle against bureaucracy. They
do not recognise, especially the Trotskyists, that communists have to, indeed,
are compelled to use the bureaucracy and fight against it at the same time. The
failure to recognise the necessity of this contradiction is summed up in the
Trotskyist slogan of ‘political’ revolution.
Marxist-Leninists are therefore in an unenviable position of not only to
simultaneously use and fight against bureaucracy, but also to fight against
petty-bourgeois phrase mongering regarding the struggle against bureaucracy.
Marxist-Leninists in the Soviet Union after Stalin, regarded the contradictory
nature of the struggle against bureaucracy, which Trotsky completely ignored, as
crucial to explain
‘…why
it was impossible for him [Stalin, ed.] to defeat the bureaucracy decisively’. (Op. cit. p.19)
We only need to add here that the truth in this statement
consists in the fact that no struggle against bureaucracy can defeat bureaucracy
decisively. This is in keeping with the Marxist-Leninist view that, like the
State, bureaucracy is something which withers away. The Soviet
Marxist-Leninists remarked
That
‘Stalin
perceived how bureaucratism continued to grow even while he mercilessly hit at
it and the new forms it engendered’. (Ibid.)
Stalin’s struggle against Soviet bureaucracy, a struggle
which Marxist-Leninists argue is of a contradictory nature, involving the need
to fight bureaucracy while using it at the same time, is also a struggle aimed
at two different levels. The first is the struggle against the negative aspects
of bureaucracy, in other words the struggle to make administrative work more
efficiently. This aspect of the struggle against bureaucracy was very relevant
in the case of the Soviet Union. The other level of the struggle against
bureaucracy which Stalin pursued was the struggle against sections of the
bureaucracy turning itself into a separate caste or estate; this struggle was
aimed at the bureaucracy consolidating itself into a new class which could per
chance seize political power from the working class, and thereby undermine the
process of socialist transformation. Indeed, it was this latter possibility
which came to the fore after Stalin died. Thus, the Soviet Marxist-Leninists
tell us that
‘Stalin’s
death untied the hands of the bureaucracy’. (Programme and Principles of the Revolutionary Soviet
Communists; p. 20)
The aim of the bureaucracy, acting through their
ideological representatives, the revisionists, was to remove the dictatorship
of the proletariat, first in theory and later in practice. Thus, we are told
that
‘They
hate Stalin because he was the main support of the Socialist State, marrow and
bone of the people, while they are nothing but the excretion of the State’. (Op. Cit. p.21)
The revisionists therefore began to undermine
Marxism-Leninism in the service of their own petty-bourgeois class interests.
They falsified Marxism-Leninism with their doctrine of the State of the whole
people, and the Party of the whole people. The Soviet Marxist-Leninists tell us
that bloating with privileges, the bureaucrats had come to dominate every
aspect of the life of the country, thus
‘Today
the bureaucrats have been transformed from the servants of the Soviet State
power to the masters of the present State apparatus’. (Op. cit. p.22)
The Soviet Marxist-Leninists regarded those bureaucrats and
their revisionist servants who had gone against Marxism-Leninism, as the
enemies of the working class
‘…more
than that, a most dangerous enemy, because they wear the uniform of the
“Revolution”. (Op.
cit. p.24)
It is clear that in line with other Marxist-Leninists, the
Soviet Comrades regarded the revisionist anti-Stalin campaign as having a class
base in the petty-bourgeois strata. The revisionists, we are told
‘…in
the heat of the class battles they can be mistaken for friends, causing the
masses to put their trust in them and to receive a stab in the back as payment
for that trust’.
(Ibid.)
The Marxist-Leninist struggle against bureaucracy in the
former Soviet Union was interwoven with the struggle against petty-bourgeois
revisionism. They recognised that the fight against bureaucracy was
contradictory in nature, that although fighting against bureaucracy the Marxist-Leninists
led by Stalin had to use this bureaucracy at the same time, and that this
struggle was directed at two levels: the struggle to improve the functioning of
the apparatus and the struggle against sections of the bureaucracy
consolidating itself as a separate class which could seize political power from
the working class. The Marxist-Leninists also understood that the anti-Stalin
campaign in the communist movement had its class base in the petty bourgeois.
On the right, the anti-Stalin campaign was led by the servants of the
bureaucracy, the revisionists; On the pseudo-left, the anti-Stalin campaign was
led by Trotskyists, or tendencies inspired by Trotskyism, whose petty-bourgeois
phrase-mongering regarding the struggle against Soviet bureaucracy was an
expression of the failure to recognise the long-term and contradictory nature
of the struggle against bureaucracy.
IMLR: I would like
to return briefly to the Soviet Marxist-Leninist critique of bureaucracy in ‘Programme and Principles of Revolutionary
Soviet Communists’. You said that although having a correct position,
occasionally they treat the matter in a semi abstract manner. What exactly did
you mean by this?
TC: What I meant
was that occasionally they refer to bureaucracy in such a way as to suggest
that the bureaucracy is regarded en-bloc as counterrevolutionary. As previously
pointed out, Marxist-Leninists do not use the concept of a counterrevolutionary bureaucracy, but rather speak of counterrevolutionary elements within the
bureaucracy. This is to treat bureaucracy in a concrete manner.
IMLR: In Marx and
Engels Selected Works, we read that, ‘When the working class comes to power… it
must, in order not to lose its newly won supremacy, on the one hand, get rid of
the old machine of oppression which had been used against it, and on the other
hand, protect itself against its own deputies and functionaries’. To what
extent would you say this was achieved in the Soviet Union in the period of
Stalin, and were there functionaries so highly placed that they could not be
brought down?
TC: Within the
constraints imposed on him by objective conditions, Stalin did his best in
helping the working class to protect itself from bad functionaries. Shankar
Singh raise this same point, remarking that
‘The
will of the Soviet people was to protect themselves from their own deputies and
functionaries and Stalin executed that will. But in doing so, some mistakes,
though not desirable, were committed by the persons who were entrusted with the
task’. (Shankar Singh:
Stalin: Allegations And Reality; Socialist Unity Centre of India; p. 28)
I think that this is the correct
line to take. It is also the case as H. Brar argues that
‘It
was only by fighting against bureaucracy, by constantly purging the Party and
the Soviet apparatus of this dross, and by mobilising the masses in this fight,
that the resistance of the class of kulaks and other class enemies of the
proletariat was broken, was socialism built’. (H. Brar: Trotskyism or Leninism; p.590)
It should therefore be quite clear to the unbiased student
that any interpretation of Stalin which excludes or ignores his role in the
struggle against Soviet bureaucracy both in terms of its administrative
shortcomings on the one hand, and on the other, against the bureaucracy
consolidating itself as a caste, or class, would be to make a mockery of
historical science.
For Stalin, the problems associated with bureaucracy were
pervasive.
‘Bureaucracy’, he noted, ‘is one of the worst enemies of our progress’. (J. V. Stalin: Speech Delivered at
the Eighth Congress of the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League, May 16,
1927, in: Pravda, No. 133, May 17, 1928; also cited in: Ludo Marten: Another
View of Stalin)
Stalin saw that the problems with bureaucracy was not
simply a question of fighting against the old bureaucrats many of whom were
hostile to the new system, but against even those bureaucrats who displayed
some sympathy, and finally against communist bureaucrats because the latter are
‘…the
most dangerous type of bureaucrat’. (Ibid.)
The danger stemming from the communist bureaucrats was
because such a bureaucrat
‘…masks
his bureaucracy with the title of party member’. (Ibid.)
Stalin, in fact, had to politically struggle on two fronts
on the question of bureaucracy, as previously explained. On the one hand, the
struggle against revisionists who served the interests of the bureaucrats and
on the other hand the struggle against petty-bourgeois phrase mongering about
the struggle against bureaucracy, represented by the Trotskyists. As to the
question about whether there were functionaries so highly placed that they
could not be brought down, there is a story recounted by Fitzroy MacLean, the
British foreign office official, that while he was watching Stalin on the Red Square
reviewing stand on May 1 he was struck by the other Politburo members who
‘…grinned
nervously and moved uneasily from one foot to the other, forgetting the parade
and the high office they held and everything else in their mingled joy and
terror at being spoken to by him’. (F. MacLean: Eastern Approaches; p. 28)
Perhaps this effect, if not produced by the cold weather,
was produced by the realisation that in the Struggle against bureaucracy no one
was able to hide behind high office and regard this as a badge of immunity.
IMLR: Finally, what
would you say is the essence of the difference between Marxist-Leninists and
Trotskyists on the question of the Soviet bureaucracy?
TC: Throughout this
interview, I hope this has been made clear. Not everything in life is
either/or, or black and white, as the saying goes. But of course, some things
are. The question of the nature of the Soviet bureaucracy is an example.
Communists can either choose to adopt the abstract Trotskyist theory of a
counterrevolutionary Soviet/Stalinist bureaucracy, which according to Trotsky
had seized political power in the period of Stalin. On the other hand they can
choose to adopt the Marxist-Leninist position, which does not speak of a
counterrevolutionary bureaucracy, but rather speaks of counterrevolutionary
elements, groups, or individuals in the Soviet bureaucracy, who needed to be
unmasked and purged, as part of the struggle against the negative aspects of
bureaucracy. This was the position which both Lenin and Stalin adopted in the
struggle against the bad sides of bureaucracy in the Soviet Union.
IMLR: Comrade Clark, thank you.
NOTE
LIST OF IMPORTANT PURGES IN THE
SOVIET UNION:
Soviet Purges
1921
Soviet Purges
1929
Soviet Purges
1933-1934
Soviet Purges
1935-1936
Soviet Purges
1937-1938
COMMUNIST PARTY ALLIANCE